Source:http://www.puthinamnews.com/?p=10787
“சிறிலங்கா இராணுவம் போரின்போது பொதுமக்கள் எவரையும் கொல்லவில்லை. அவ்வாறு கொலை செய்திருந்தால் மூன்று லட்சம் மக்களும் இராணுவத்தின் கட்டுப்பாட்டு பிரதேசத்திற்கு வந்திருக்கமாட்டார்கள். மக்கள் அனைவரும் இராணுவத்தில் நம்பிக்கை கொண்டிருந்தார்கள். அதனால்தான் அவர்கள் அரச கட்டுப்பாட்டு பிரதேசத்துக்கு வந்தார்கள்” – என்று சிறிலங்கா அரச அதிபர் மகிந்த ராஜபக்ச அல் ஜஸீரா செய்திச்சேவைக்கு வழங்கிய செவ்வியில் கூறியுள்ளார்.
சிறிலங்கா இராணுவம் போர்க்குற்றம் எதனையும் புரியவில்லை. நாட்டில் பயங்கரவாதத்தை முற்றாக ஒழித்திருக்கிறது. அவ்வாறு பயங்கரவாதத்தை ஒழித்ததற்காக – சர்வதேச சமூகம் கூறுவதைப்போல – எவர் மீதும் நடவடிக்கை எடுக்கமுடியாது. நிச்சயமாக அதற்கு நான் அனுமதிக்கமாட்டேன் என்றும் மகிந்த தனது செவ்வியில் கூறியிருக்கிறார்.
சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்தினர் எந்த குற்றமும் இழைக்கவில்லை என்றால் அரசு ஏன் விசாரணைக்குழு ஒன்றை நியமித்துள்ளது என்று செய்தியாளர் கேட்டபோது – அது சிறிலங்காவின் உள்நாட்டு விவகாரம் என்றும் உள்நாட்டு விவகாரத்தில் வெளிநாடுகள் தலையிடுவதை தான் விரும்பவில்லை என்றும் மகிந்த கூறியுள்ளார்.
அப்படியானால், அந்த விசாரணைக்குழு போர்க்குற்றங்கள் தொடர்பாக விசாரணை செய்யுமா என்று கேட்டதற்கு – அது தொடர்பாக முறைப்பாடுகள் செய்யப்பட்டால் விசாரணை செய்யும் என்று மகிந்த தெரிவித்தார்.
இந்த விசாரணைக்குழுவின் செயற்பாடு எவ்வளவு தூரம் வெளிப்படையாகவும் நம்பகத்தன்மையாகவும் இருக்கும் என்று கேட்டதற்கு உடனடியாக குறுக்கிட்ட மகிந்த – இந்த கேள்வியை நீங்கள் அமெரிக்காவிடமோ பிரிட்டனிடமோ கேட்டீர்களா? ஈராக்கிலும் ஆப்கானிஸ்தானிலும் என்ன செய்தீர்கள் என்று நீங்கள் அவர்களை கேட்டீர்களா? அவர்களால் செய்யமுடியாததை நாம் செய்திருக்கிறோம். ஆம். பயங்கரவாதத்தை ஒழித்திருக்கிறோம் – என்றார்.
போர் முடிவுற்று இவ்வளவு காலமான பின்னரும் தமிழ் மக்களின் அபிலாஷைகள் தீர்த்துவைக்கப்படவில்லை என்று கூறப்படும் கருத்து குறித்து கேட்டதற்கு – இது அரச சார்பற்ற அமைப்புக்களும் அரசியல்வாதிகள் சிலரும் தெரிவிக்கும் கருத்துக்கள். முகாமுக்கு சென்று அங்குள்ள மக்களை கேளுங்கள். அவர்கள் கூறுவார்கள். எனது வீடு எனக்கு மீண்டும் வேண்டும். எனது பிள்ளைகளுக்கு கல்வி வேண்டும். அவற்றை தவிர வேறு எதனையும் அவர்கள் கேட்கமாட்டார்கள். ஆகவே. அவர்களை முதலில் மீள்குடியமர்த்தவேண்டும். அவர்களுக்குரிய வசதிகளை வழங்கவேண்டும். அதன்பின்னர், அவர்கள் தமது பிரதிநிதிகளை நாடாளுமன்றுக்கும் மாகாணசபைக்கும் தெரிவுசெய்யலாம். அந்த பிரதிநிதிகளுடன் நாம் பேசலாம்.
கடந்த காலங்களில் மக்கள் பிரதிநிதிகள் என்று கூறிவந்தவர்கள். பயங்கரவாதிகளின் பிரதிநிதிகளே ஆவர். அவர்கள் தற்போது யதார்த்தத்தை உணர்ந்துள்ளார்கள். அவர்கள் அரசை நம்பவேண்டும். நாங்கள் அவர்களை நம்புகின்றோம். அரசுக்குள்ள பிரச்சினைகளை அவர்கள் புரிந்துகொள்ளவேண்டும். சமரசத்தின் ஊடாகவே தீர்வினை காணமுடியும் – என்றார் மகிந்த.
தமிழ் மக்களுக்கு எதுவுமே நீங்கள் செய்யவில்லை என்று புலம்பெயர்ந்த தமிழ்மக்கள் கூறுகிறார்களே என்று கேட்டதற்கு – புலம்பெயர்ந்து வாழும் தமிழ் மக்களுக்கு இங்கு என்ன நடைபெறுகிறது எதுவும் தெரியாது. அவர்களுக்கு இங்கு வருவதற்கு விருப்பமில்லை. தமது சுகபோகங்களை அனுபவித்துவருகிறார்கள். அவ்வாறு இங்கு வந்தாலும் கொழும்புக்கு அப்பால் செல்வதில்லை. வட பகுதிக்கு சென்றிருக்கமாட்டார்கள். அந்த மக்களுடன் பேசியிருக்கமாட்டார்கள். நான் இன்று சாதாரண மனிதனாக யாழ்ப்பாணம், திருகோணமலை, மட்டக்களப்பு மக்களுடன் பேசுகிறேன – என்று கூறினார் மகிந்த.
உங்களது குடும்பத்தினர் 300 க்கும் அதிகமான முக்கிய அரச பதவிகளில் உள்ளார்களே என்று கேட்ட கேள்விக்கு மகிந்த பதிலளிக்கையில் – உங்களுக்கு யார் இந்த எண்ணிக்கையை தந்தது. நான் உங்களுக்கு ஒரு விடயத்தை கூறுகிறேன். இந்த நாடு முழுவதும் எனக்கு சொந்தம். அங்கு நியமிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளவர்கள் யாவரும் மக்களால் தெரிவுசெய்யப்பட்டுள்ளவர்கள் – என்றார்.
பாதுகாப்பு அமைச்சின் செயலராக நியமிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளவர் மக்களால் தெரிவு செய்யப்பட்டவரா என்று கேட்டதற்கு – அவர் எனது சகோதரர். அவரை நான் நம்புகிறேன். அதனால் அவரை நான் அந்த பதவியில் நியமித்தேன் – என்றார் மகிந்த. அப்படியானால், அவர் ஒருவர்தான் குடும்பத்தில் உங்களது நம்பிக்கைக்கு பாத்திரமனவரா என்று கேட்டதற்கு – இல்லை. அப்படியென்றில்லை. அவர் அந்த பதவிக்கு தகுதியானவரும்கூட என்றார் மகிந்த.
Friday, May 28, 2010
ஐயோ! என்ர தங்கச்சி குடும்பம் முழுக்கச் சரி!
Source: http://www.tamilulakam.com/news/view.php?id=11519
இரண்டாயிரத்து ஒன்பதாம் ஆண்டு பெப்ரவரி எட்டாம் தேதி என நினைக்கிறேன். எனது பத்திரிகைப் பணிக்கான கட்டுரையை எழுதுவதற்காகப் பதுங்கு குழிக்குள் அமர்ந்து கொண்டேன். காதைச் செவிடாக்கும் எறிகணை மழைக்குள் உயர்ந்த பட்சம் உயிக்காப்பை மேற்கொண்டு பணிசெய்ய எனக்கு ஆதாரமாக இருந்தது அந்தப் பதுங்கு குழி மாத்திரமே.
பாதுகாப்பு வலயமாக அரசால் அறிவிக்கப்பட்ட மாத்தளன் கடற்கரைக்குச் சமீபமாக இருந்த பனைமரங்கள் நிறைந்த அந்தப் பகுதியே எனது அப்போதய இருப்பிடம். தரப்பாளால் அமைக்கப்பட்டிருக்கும் ஆயிரக்கணக்கான குடில்களில் ஒன்று. அதற்குள் அமைத்திருந்த பதுங்கு குழிக்குள் அமர்ந்தவாறே அன்றைய படுகொலைகள் தொடர்பாகக் கிடைத்த தகவல்களை வைத்து கட்டுரை எழதத் தொடங்கியிருந்தேன்.
நேரம் காலை பத்து மணியிருக்கும். படீர் படீர் படீர் என அடுத்தடுத்து வந்து வீழ்ந்தன எறிகணைகள். வெளிக்கிளம்பும் வெடியோசை கேட்காமலேயே வந்து விழுந்த அந்த எறிகணைகள் மிகவும் அழிவை உண்டுபண்ணும் மோட்டார் எறிகணைகள் என்பதைப் புரிந்து கொண்டேன். மூன்று எறிகணைகளும் எனக்கு மிக அருகாகவே விழுந்தன. அதன் சிதறல்கள் என்னைத் தாண்டிக் காற்றைக் கிழித்தவாறே பரவிப் பறந்தன. கந்தகப் புகை காற்றில் கலந்து புகை மண்டலமாகியது.
அத்தனை எறிகணைகளும் மக்கள் மிக நெருக்கமாக இருக்கும் பகுதியில்தான் விழுந்தன என்பதை என் பதுங்கு குழிக்குள் இருந்தவாறே அவதானித்தேன். இருந்தும் அவ்வெறிகணை வீச்சுக்குப் பின்னதான வெளிப்பாடுகள் என்னைச் சந்தேகம் கொள்ள வைத்தன. அடுத்து எறிகணைகள் வந்தவிழும் அபாயம் இருந்த போதும் என் புகைப்படக் கருவியைக் கையில் எடுத்துக்கொண்டு சம்பவ இடம் நோக்கி நடந்தேன். எந்தவித அழுகுரலும் இன்றி அமைதியாகவே இருந்தது அவ்விடம்.
தயங்கியவாறே கிட்டவாகப் போனேன். என்ன கொடுமை அது! சற்று முன்வரை நிழல் கொடுத்து நின்ற தரப்பாள் கூடாரம் இருந்த இடமே தெரியவில்லை மனிதத் தசைத் துண்டங்கள் ஆங்காங்கே சிதறிக்கிடந்தன். உடமைகள் தூக்கி வீசப்பட்டுக் கிடந்தன. அக்கூடாரத்துக்குள் இருந்த அத்தனை பேரும் உயிரிழந்து விட்டார்கள் என்பதை என்னால் உணர முடிந்தது.
ஒப்பாரி வைக்கக்கூட அங்கு யாரும் மிச்சமில்லை. அக்குடும்பத்தில் எத்தனைபேர் இருந்தார்கள் என்பதை என்னால் அறிய முடியவில்லை. சம்பவத்தைப் புகைப்படக் கருவிக்குள் பதிவாக்கிக்கொண்டு சதைத்துண்டங்களை எடுத்து ஒன்றுசேர்க்கத் தொடங்கினோம். அயலில் உள்ள சிலரும் அக்கடமைகளில் ஈடுபட்டுக் கொண்டிருந்தார்கள்.
சற்று நேரத்தில் அலறியபடி ஒருவர் ஓடிவந்தார். `ஐயோ! என்ர தங்கச்சி குடும்பம் முழுக்கச் சரி` சம்பவத்தை ஓரளவு உறுதிப்படுத்திக் கொண்டேன். `ஐந்து பிள்ளைகளும் தாய் தகப்பனும் காலமதான் கஞ்சி குடிச்சுக் கொண்டிருந்ததுகள் எல்லாரும் அப்படியே சரி தம்பி` ஒப்பாரி நீண்டது. அவர் சொல்லும் தகவல்களை வைத்து ஒவ்வொருவராய் அடையாளம் காண முயன்றோம். இயன்றவரை சடலங்களை ஒன்று சேர்த்தோம்.
அப்போதுதான் எனது வலப்பக்க தோட்பட்டை இலேசாகக் குளிர்ந்து கொண்டுவருவதை உணர்ந்தேன். அதிர்ச்சியாகி தோட்பட்டையைப் பார்த்த போது நான் அணிந்திருந்த மேற்சட்டை இரத்தத்தால் தோய்ந்து கொண்டிருந்தது. எறிகணைச் சிதறல்பட்டால் அதன்வலி உடனடியாகத் தெரியாது என்பதைக் கேள்விப்பட்டிருக்கிறேன். அதைவைத்து நான் காயப்பட்டு விட்டேனோ எனச் சந்தேகித்தவாறு தோட்பட்டையை அழுத்தினேன். எந்தக் காயமும் இல்லை ஆனால் இரத்தம் வடிந்துகொண்டே இருந்தது.
சந்தேகம் கொண்டு தலையை நிமிர்த்திப் பார்த்தபோதுதான் எனக்கு அந்த அதிர்ச்சி, அருகில் இருக்கும் பனைமரத்தில் தொங்கிக் கொண்டிருந்த தலைப்பகுதியிலிருந்தே அந்த இரத்தம் என் தோள்பட்டையில் விழுந்துகொண்டிருந்தது. நான் அண்ணாந்து பார்த்த திக்கைப் பார்த்த அவர் `ஐயோ என்ர கடைசி மருமகள் தம்பி, அவள் சரியான செல்லம், சின்ன வயசிலேயே நீளத் தலைமுடி. நான் டொக்டரா வந்து உங்களுக்கு ஊசி போடுவேன் மாமா என்று அடிக்கடி சொல்லுவாளே`
பனைமரத்தை அண்ணாந்து பார்த்தவாறே அவரது ஒப்பாரி நீண்டது. சிறிது நேரத்தில் அந்த தலைப்பகுதி தொப்பெனக் கீழே விழுந்தது. அதைக்கண்டு அதிர்ந்த மனம் மறுகணம் உறைந்து போனது.
இவ்வாறாக எண்ணற்ற வலிநிறைந்த அனுபவங்கள் ஆறாத காயமாய், அணையாத கொதிநெருப்பாய் புதைந்து கிடக்கின்றன. அந்த நீண்ட அனுபவத் தொடர்களை உங்களுடன் பகிர்ந்து கொள்வதில் என் மனம் ஒரு சிறிது ஆறுதல் அடையக்கூடும் என்றவகையில் நான் கூறும் ஒரு சிறிய பகுதியே இது.
சுமாராக அரைக் கிலோமீற்றர் அகலமும் ஆறு கிலோமிற்றர் நீளமும் கொண்ட முள்ளிவாய்க்கால் மாத்தளன் பகுதிக்குள் மூன்று இலட்சம் வரையான மக்களை முடக்கி நாளாந்தப் படுகொலைகளை அரங்கேற்றிய சிங்கள அரசு இன்று அந்தப் படுகொலைகளை நிகழ்த்திய இராணுவபலத்தை போற்றிக் கொண்டாடிக் கொண்டிருக்கிறது. அவர்களுக்காகத் தமிழர் தேசத்தில் வெற்றிச் சின்னங்களை அமைத்துக் கொண்டாடிக்கொண்டிருக்கிறது. எம்மினத்தை படுகொலைக்கு உள்ளாக்கி இன அழிப்புச் செய்யப்பட்ட அந்தக் காலப்பகுதியை அது தன் இராணுவ வெற்றி நாட்களாகக் கொண்டாடிக் கொண்டிருக்கிறது.
இதற்கு நீதிமான்களின் தீர்ப்பு என்ன? நாகரீக உலகின் மனட்சாட்சி கூறும் தீர்ப்பு என்ன? நீதிக்காக ஏங்கி நிற்கிறது தமிழினம்!
-பொங்கு தமிழ் இணையத்திற்காக – க.ப.துஸ்யந்தன்
இரண்டாயிரத்து ஒன்பதாம் ஆண்டு பெப்ரவரி எட்டாம் தேதி என நினைக்கிறேன். எனது பத்திரிகைப் பணிக்கான கட்டுரையை எழுதுவதற்காகப் பதுங்கு குழிக்குள் அமர்ந்து கொண்டேன். காதைச் செவிடாக்கும் எறிகணை மழைக்குள் உயர்ந்த பட்சம் உயிக்காப்பை மேற்கொண்டு பணிசெய்ய எனக்கு ஆதாரமாக இருந்தது அந்தப் பதுங்கு குழி மாத்திரமே.
பாதுகாப்பு வலயமாக அரசால் அறிவிக்கப்பட்ட மாத்தளன் கடற்கரைக்குச் சமீபமாக இருந்த பனைமரங்கள் நிறைந்த அந்தப் பகுதியே எனது அப்போதய இருப்பிடம். தரப்பாளால் அமைக்கப்பட்டிருக்கும் ஆயிரக்கணக்கான குடில்களில் ஒன்று. அதற்குள் அமைத்திருந்த பதுங்கு குழிக்குள் அமர்ந்தவாறே அன்றைய படுகொலைகள் தொடர்பாகக் கிடைத்த தகவல்களை வைத்து கட்டுரை எழதத் தொடங்கியிருந்தேன்.
நேரம் காலை பத்து மணியிருக்கும். படீர் படீர் படீர் என அடுத்தடுத்து வந்து வீழ்ந்தன எறிகணைகள். வெளிக்கிளம்பும் வெடியோசை கேட்காமலேயே வந்து விழுந்த அந்த எறிகணைகள் மிகவும் அழிவை உண்டுபண்ணும் மோட்டார் எறிகணைகள் என்பதைப் புரிந்து கொண்டேன். மூன்று எறிகணைகளும் எனக்கு மிக அருகாகவே விழுந்தன. அதன் சிதறல்கள் என்னைத் தாண்டிக் காற்றைக் கிழித்தவாறே பரவிப் பறந்தன. கந்தகப் புகை காற்றில் கலந்து புகை மண்டலமாகியது.
அத்தனை எறிகணைகளும் மக்கள் மிக நெருக்கமாக இருக்கும் பகுதியில்தான் விழுந்தன என்பதை என் பதுங்கு குழிக்குள் இருந்தவாறே அவதானித்தேன். இருந்தும் அவ்வெறிகணை வீச்சுக்குப் பின்னதான வெளிப்பாடுகள் என்னைச் சந்தேகம் கொள்ள வைத்தன. அடுத்து எறிகணைகள் வந்தவிழும் அபாயம் இருந்த போதும் என் புகைப்படக் கருவியைக் கையில் எடுத்துக்கொண்டு சம்பவ இடம் நோக்கி நடந்தேன். எந்தவித அழுகுரலும் இன்றி அமைதியாகவே இருந்தது அவ்விடம்.
தயங்கியவாறே கிட்டவாகப் போனேன். என்ன கொடுமை அது! சற்று முன்வரை நிழல் கொடுத்து நின்ற தரப்பாள் கூடாரம் இருந்த இடமே தெரியவில்லை மனிதத் தசைத் துண்டங்கள் ஆங்காங்கே சிதறிக்கிடந்தன். உடமைகள் தூக்கி வீசப்பட்டுக் கிடந்தன. அக்கூடாரத்துக்குள் இருந்த அத்தனை பேரும் உயிரிழந்து விட்டார்கள் என்பதை என்னால் உணர முடிந்தது.
ஒப்பாரி வைக்கக்கூட அங்கு யாரும் மிச்சமில்லை. அக்குடும்பத்தில் எத்தனைபேர் இருந்தார்கள் என்பதை என்னால் அறிய முடியவில்லை. சம்பவத்தைப் புகைப்படக் கருவிக்குள் பதிவாக்கிக்கொண்டு சதைத்துண்டங்களை எடுத்து ஒன்றுசேர்க்கத் தொடங்கினோம். அயலில் உள்ள சிலரும் அக்கடமைகளில் ஈடுபட்டுக் கொண்டிருந்தார்கள்.
சற்று நேரத்தில் அலறியபடி ஒருவர் ஓடிவந்தார். `ஐயோ! என்ர தங்கச்சி குடும்பம் முழுக்கச் சரி` சம்பவத்தை ஓரளவு உறுதிப்படுத்திக் கொண்டேன். `ஐந்து பிள்ளைகளும் தாய் தகப்பனும் காலமதான் கஞ்சி குடிச்சுக் கொண்டிருந்ததுகள் எல்லாரும் அப்படியே சரி தம்பி` ஒப்பாரி நீண்டது. அவர் சொல்லும் தகவல்களை வைத்து ஒவ்வொருவராய் அடையாளம் காண முயன்றோம். இயன்றவரை சடலங்களை ஒன்று சேர்த்தோம்.
அப்போதுதான் எனது வலப்பக்க தோட்பட்டை இலேசாகக் குளிர்ந்து கொண்டுவருவதை உணர்ந்தேன். அதிர்ச்சியாகி தோட்பட்டையைப் பார்த்த போது நான் அணிந்திருந்த மேற்சட்டை இரத்தத்தால் தோய்ந்து கொண்டிருந்தது. எறிகணைச் சிதறல்பட்டால் அதன்வலி உடனடியாகத் தெரியாது என்பதைக் கேள்விப்பட்டிருக்கிறேன். அதைவைத்து நான் காயப்பட்டு விட்டேனோ எனச் சந்தேகித்தவாறு தோட்பட்டையை அழுத்தினேன். எந்தக் காயமும் இல்லை ஆனால் இரத்தம் வடிந்துகொண்டே இருந்தது.
சந்தேகம் கொண்டு தலையை நிமிர்த்திப் பார்த்தபோதுதான் எனக்கு அந்த அதிர்ச்சி, அருகில் இருக்கும் பனைமரத்தில் தொங்கிக் கொண்டிருந்த தலைப்பகுதியிலிருந்தே அந்த இரத்தம் என் தோள்பட்டையில் விழுந்துகொண்டிருந்தது. நான் அண்ணாந்து பார்த்த திக்கைப் பார்த்த அவர் `ஐயோ என்ர கடைசி மருமகள் தம்பி, அவள் சரியான செல்லம், சின்ன வயசிலேயே நீளத் தலைமுடி. நான் டொக்டரா வந்து உங்களுக்கு ஊசி போடுவேன் மாமா என்று அடிக்கடி சொல்லுவாளே`
பனைமரத்தை அண்ணாந்து பார்த்தவாறே அவரது ஒப்பாரி நீண்டது. சிறிது நேரத்தில் அந்த தலைப்பகுதி தொப்பெனக் கீழே விழுந்தது. அதைக்கண்டு அதிர்ந்த மனம் மறுகணம் உறைந்து போனது.
இவ்வாறாக எண்ணற்ற வலிநிறைந்த அனுபவங்கள் ஆறாத காயமாய், அணையாத கொதிநெருப்பாய் புதைந்து கிடக்கின்றன. அந்த நீண்ட அனுபவத் தொடர்களை உங்களுடன் பகிர்ந்து கொள்வதில் என் மனம் ஒரு சிறிது ஆறுதல் அடையக்கூடும் என்றவகையில் நான் கூறும் ஒரு சிறிய பகுதியே இது.
சுமாராக அரைக் கிலோமீற்றர் அகலமும் ஆறு கிலோமிற்றர் நீளமும் கொண்ட முள்ளிவாய்க்கால் மாத்தளன் பகுதிக்குள் மூன்று இலட்சம் வரையான மக்களை முடக்கி நாளாந்தப் படுகொலைகளை அரங்கேற்றிய சிங்கள அரசு இன்று அந்தப் படுகொலைகளை நிகழ்த்திய இராணுவபலத்தை போற்றிக் கொண்டாடிக் கொண்டிருக்கிறது. அவர்களுக்காகத் தமிழர் தேசத்தில் வெற்றிச் சின்னங்களை அமைத்துக் கொண்டாடிக்கொண்டிருக்கிறது. எம்மினத்தை படுகொலைக்கு உள்ளாக்கி இன அழிப்புச் செய்யப்பட்ட அந்தக் காலப்பகுதியை அது தன் இராணுவ வெற்றி நாட்களாகக் கொண்டாடிக் கொண்டிருக்கிறது.
இதற்கு நீதிமான்களின் தீர்ப்பு என்ன? நாகரீக உலகின் மனட்சாட்சி கூறும் தீர்ப்பு என்ன? நீதிக்காக ஏங்கி நிற்கிறது தமிழினம்!
-பொங்கு தமிழ் இணையத்திற்காக – க.ப.துஸ்யந்தன்
The Myanmar Elections
Twenty years ago today (May 27), Aung San Suu Kyi’s party swept Myanmar’s elections, but the army refused to allow the results to be implemented. Later this year Myanmar will vote again in a process certain to be seriously flawed but whose results and the constitution to be brought into force will redefine the political landscape, influencing opportunities to push for long-overdue social, economic and political reforms
Myanmar will shortly hold its first elections in twenty years. Given the restrictive provisions of the 2010 Political Parties Registration Law that bar anyone serving a prison term from membership in a political party, many imprisoned dissidents will be excluded from the process, unless they are released in the near future.
Aung San Suu Kyi – whose suspended sentence and house arrest possibly exclude her also – has condemned the legislation, and her National League for Democracy (NLD) has decided not to participate and has, therefore, lost its status as a legally-registered party.
There has rightly been much international criticism of the new constitution and of the fact that the elections will not be inclusive, but the political and generational shift that they will bring about may represent the best opportunity in a generation to influence the future direction of the country.
The balloting will take place in the framework of the new constitution, adopted under highly questionable circumstances in 2008. That document, which will come into force following the elections, will entrench the military’s power.
The balloting will take place in the framework of the new constitution, adopted under highly questionable circumstances in 2008. That document, which will come into force following the elections, will entrench the military’s power.
It gives the institution significant autonomy, as well as considerable political influence, by reserving a quarter of the seats in national and regional legislatures for it and creating a powerful new national defence and security council controlled by the commander-in-chief, who also receives control of key security ministries and other extraordinary powers.
It seems very likely that the vote will go ahead without any moves by the regime to address concerns. At the same time, the problematic nature of the process should not lead observers to underestimate its significance. The elections and the constitution they will bring into force will define the political landscape for years to come and will influence what opportunities there are to push for long-overdue social, economic and political reforms in Myanmar. An understanding of the political dynamics they will create is, therefore, vital.
It is clear that the top leaders, Generals Than Shwe and Maung Aye, will step aside after the elections, making way for a younger generation of military officers.
It seems very likely that the vote will go ahead without any moves by the regime to address concerns. At the same time, the problematic nature of the process should not lead observers to underestimate its significance. The elections and the constitution they will bring into force will define the political landscape for years to come and will influence what opportunities there are to push for long-overdue social, economic and political reforms in Myanmar. An understanding of the political dynamics they will create is, therefore, vital.
It is clear that the top leaders, Generals Than Shwe and Maung Aye, will step aside after the elections, making way for a younger generation of military officers.
Although the old guard may continue to wield significant influence behind the scenes, the reins of power will be in new hands, and the new political structures make it unlikely that any single individual will be able to dominate decision-making in the way that Than Shwe has in recent years. Myanmar has been under military rule for half a century. The attempts by the regime to introduce a more civilian and plural character to governance, however tentative and flawed they may be, should be critiqued but not dismissed.
These were the messages of Crisis Group’s August 2009 report, Myanmar: Towards the Elections, and they continue to be valid. This briefing updates recent developments, including an analysis of the electoral legislation issued in March.
These were the messages of Crisis Group’s August 2009 report, Myanmar: Towards the Elections, and they continue to be valid. This briefing updates recent developments, including an analysis of the electoral legislation issued in March.
It provides a timeline for the implementation of the new constitutional structures after election day, including the formation and initial functioning of the new legislatures.
It also examines the critical question of the impact on the ethnic conflict and concludes that renewed fighting in areas where ceasefires currently hold should be of concern but remains on balance unlikely.
A brief assessment of the recent mass sell-off of public assets, which was driven in part by the uncertainty of post-election rent-seeking opportunities, suggests that this could have greater impact on the political economy than the elections themselves, by providing significant off-budget resources that will help the army take advantage of the considerable autonomy and political influence written into the constitution for it.
The electoral legislation is in most respects almost identical to the laws governing the 1990 poll, including provisions that led to a broadly fair count. The most significant departures are highly restrictive provisions in the Political Parties Registration Law. This suggests strongly that, as in 1990, the elections will be characterised by a campaigning period that is highly controlled and far from free, but that the voting on election day may well be relatively fair. Such a scenario presents important challenges, as well as opportunities, to domestic stakeholders and to the international community.
Jakarta/Brussels, 27 May 2010
The electoral legislation is in most respects almost identical to the laws governing the 1990 poll, including provisions that led to a broadly fair count. The most significant departures are highly restrictive provisions in the Political Parties Registration Law. This suggests strongly that, as in 1990, the elections will be characterised by a campaigning period that is highly controlled and far from free, but that the voting on election day may well be relatively fair. Such a scenario presents important challenges, as well as opportunities, to domestic stakeholders and to the international community.
Jakarta/Brussels, 27 May 2010
Tuesday, May 25, 2010
UNP's MP to join Rajapaksa's party
By G Saravanan:
Published in The New Indian Express, Chennai, on May 25:
SLAMMING his United National Party (UNP) and its leader Ranil Wickremesinghe as ‘incapable leader,’ the party’s Kandy parliamentarian A R M Abdul Cader on Monday gave enough indication that he would be joining Mahinda Rajapaksa’s United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) shortly.
Speaking to Express during his stay in the city for medical treatment, the 74-yearold Abdul Cader said, “Due to disagreement with Ranil after the parliamentary elections, I was not involved in any party activities.”
Published in The New Indian Express, Chennai, on May 25:
SLAMMING his United National Party (UNP) and its leader Ranil Wickremesinghe as ‘incapable leader,’ the party’s Kandy parliamentarian A R M Abdul Cader on Monday gave enough indication that he would be joining Mahinda Rajapaksa’s United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) shortly.
Speaking to Express during his stay in the city for medical treatment, the 74-yearold Abdul Cader said, “Due to disagreement with Ranil after the parliamentary elections, I was not involved in any party activities.”
Giving enough indications that he had made up his mind to defect to UPFA, Abdul Cader said, “President Mahinda Rajapaksa and his family members are good and has the habit of accommodating even the views from opposition MPs for the sake of development.”
It may be noted that the seasoned UNP member Cader had voted in favour of the ruling UPFA government on the extension of the state of emergency held earlier this month in parliament despite sitting in the opposition.
About the changed scenario in the island nation after the ethnic war, Cader said, “After the end of the war last year, developments are taking place in the North and East and people now plan to return to their native villages for economic prosperity.” Jaffna was slowly, but steadily, becoming a major hub of economic activities post-war and people were thronging the city for various businesses, he said.
It may be noted that the seasoned UNP member Cader had voted in favour of the ruling UPFA government on the extension of the state of emergency held earlier this month in parliament despite sitting in the opposition.
About the changed scenario in the island nation after the ethnic war, Cader said, “After the end of the war last year, developments are taking place in the North and East and people now plan to return to their native villages for economic prosperity.” Jaffna was slowly, but steadily, becoming a major hub of economic activities post-war and people were thronging the city for various businesses, he said.
Saturday, May 22, 2010
கொலைக் காட்சிகளின் நிழல்
01.
கொலைக்காட்சிகளின் நிழலில் உயிரிழந்த சிறுவனின்சித்திரவதையினால் எழும் குரல் கேட்டுக் கொண்டேயிருக்கிறது.
முதலில் எல்லோரையும் கைது செய்தார்கள்
சிலரது கண்களை கட்டினர்
சிலரது கைகளை கட்டினர்
இறுதியில் எல்லோருக்கும் கைகளும் கண்களும் கட்டப்பட்டன
வரிசையாக இருத்தப்பட்டனர்
புற்களின் மேலாயும் பற்றைகளின் வழியாகவும்
வதை எழும்பும் ஒலியுடன் இழுத்துச் செல்லப்பட்டனர்
மாபெரும் கொலைக் காட்சிகள் நிகழ்த்தப்பட்ட நிலத்தில்
குருதியின் மேலாய் பூக்களை தூவ
தந்தையை இனங்கண்ட சிறுமி காத்திருக்கிறாள்
மறுபடியும் அதே நாட்களில் வானம் உறைந்து கிடக்கிறது
உருக்கிக் கொட்டுகிறது
சத்தமிட்டு அழுதுகொண்டிருக்கிறது
கைகள் பின்பக்கமாக கட்டப்பட்டுள்ளன
துப்பாக்கிகள் விசாரணை செய்கின்றன
பிரிபடாத நிலம் இருண்டுபோய்க் கிடக்கிறது.
சடலங்களால் நிரம்பிய நிலத்தில்
கனவு முறியடிக்கப்பட்ட இரத்தத்தில்
அநியாயம் வென்று களிக்கும் வெறியில்
இனம் துடிக்கும் பெருங்கொலைகளின் தொடர்ச்சி நிகழ்ந்தன
அந்த இரத்தம் வெளியில் தெரிய வேண்டி வந்தது
அந்த கூக்குரல்கள் வெளியில் கேட்க வேண்டி வந்தன
அந்தக் காட்சிகள் வெளித்தெரிய வேண்டி வந்தன
சித்திரவதைகளினால் அந்தப் பெருநிலம் அதிர்ந்து கொண்டிருந்தது.
இரத்தம் வடிந்து நனைந்து போன நிலத்தில் இருத்தப்பட்டனர்
மண் சித்திரவதை செய்யப்பட்ட நிலத்தில் இருத்தப்பட்டனர்
மழை வெருண்டபடி மேலும் அழுகின்றது.
02
படைகளது உடைகள் இன்னும் பச்சை நிறமாகின்றன
அவர்கள் ஒரு நாட்டின் ஒரு தேசத்தின்
மனிதாபிமானத்திற்கான படைகளாக கௌரவிக்கப்படுகின்றனர்
துப்பாக்கிகளின் பிரியர்களாக
துருப்பிடித்த பல துப்பாக்கிகளை மீட்டு வைத்திருக்கின்றனர்
அவர்களது இராணுவப் புன்னகையிலிருந்து
வெளிப்பட்டுப் போகிறது பேய்களின் நடனத்தின் அதிர்வு.
அரசனின் பிரியத்தை அவர்கள் நிறைவேற்றுபவர்கள்
தளபதிகளின் உத்தரவை நடத்துபவர்கள்
இறுதியில் அரசனுக்கும் தளபதிகளுக்கும்
படைகள் இரத்தத்துடன் கூடிய சதைகளை படைக்கின்றனர்
தளபதி இன்னுமின்னும் வீங்குகிறான்
அரசன் இன்னும் இன்னும் வீங்குகிறான்
அரசனின் புன்னகை வீங்குகிறது
தளபதிகளின் நட்சத்திரங்கள் வீங்குகின்றன
படைகள் இன்னுமின்னும் வெறியூட்டி வளர்க்கப்படுகின்றனர்.
அவர்கள் யுத்தத்தின் தந்திரங்களை
வெற்றியின் குரூரங்களை பகிர மிக விரும்புகின்றனர்
இனஅழிப்பை அதற்கான படுகொலையை
மீள மீள விளக்கத் தயாராக இருக்கின்றனர்
வீரம் நிறைந்த அர்த்தத்தில்
சடலங்களின் முன்பாக கம்பீரமாக நிற்கவும்
சடலங்களை அள்ளி பெருங்கிடங்குகளில் நிறைக்கவும் விரும்புகின்றனர்.
03
வெள்ளைக் கொடிகள் கொலை பதுங்கியிருந்த
ஒற்றர்களாக மாறியிருந்தன
எதிர்வரும் எவரையும் ஏதோ ஒரு அடிப்டையில்
சுட்டுத் தள்ளுவதற்கு
அவர்கள் தயாராகவும் ஆர்வமாகவும் செயற்பட்டனர்
சரணடைந்தவர்கள் கொலைக்கு பரிசளிக்கப்பட்டனர்
கைது செய்யப்பட்டவர்கள்
சித்திரவதைகளுக்கு தெரிவுசெய்யப்பட்டார்கள்
கொன்ற பின்னர்
குழந்தைகளை வெள்ளை கொடிகளால் போர்த்தியிருந்தனர்
புணர்ந்து முடித்த பின்னர்
பெண்களையும் வெள்ளைக் கொடிகளால் மூடியிருந்தனர்.
மேல்சட்டைகளையும் கீழ் சட்டைகளையும்
கைகளில் விலங்காக்கியிருந்தனர்
கொலையின் தந்திரம் மிகுந்த கயிறுகளால்
கைகளை பிணைத்திருந்தனர்
ஒவ்வொருவரும் பார்த்துக் கொண்டிருக்கும் பொழுதே
தங்கள் குருதி வெளியேறிக் கொண்டிருந்ததை கண்டனர்
அவர்களது குருதி பிரட்டப்பட்ட மண்ணில் ஆழத்திற்கு
செல்லுவதை பார்த்துக் கொண்டிருந்தனர்
அவர்களுக்கு பலவிதமான சடலங்கள் காண்பிக்கப்பட்டன.
கொல்லவும் சித்திரவதை செய்யவும்
வேருடன் அழிக்கவும் பயிற்சி கொடுக்கப்பட்ட படைகள்
இறுதியில் சடலங்களின் முன்பாக நின்று
வெற்றியைப் பகிருவதுடன் தங்கள் கடமையை முடிப்பதில்லை
அழிவுக்கான புதிய புதிய கட்டளைகளை நிறைவேற்ற
அவர்கள் எப்பொழுதும் காத்திருக்கின்றனர்
குருதியின் கனவுகளை அவர்கள்
வளர்த்துக் கொண்டிருக்கவே விரும்புகின்றனர்
நிலத்தை கைபற்றவே படைகள் நடவடிக்கை செய்தன
மக்களைக்கொல்லவே படைகள் இறந்தனர்
அதனால் படைகள் மக்களைக் கொன்றனர்
அதனால் படைகள் போராளிகளை கொன்றனர்
அதனால் அரசன் நிலத்தை கொன்றான்.
குருதியாலும் சதையாலும்
அரசன் தன் மாளிகையை கட்டி வைத்திருக்கிறான்.
04
கொலையின் பயம் உறைந்த கண்களை
என்ன செய்தீர்கள்?
எல்லா முகங்களையும் பார்த்துக் தவித்துக் கொண்டிருக்கும்
ஏக்கம் உறைந்த முகங்களை என்ன செய்தீர்கள்?
தனித்து மாட்டுண்ட சிறுவனை என்ன செய்தீர்கள்?
கைதவறி விட்டுச் சென்ற குழந்தையை என்ன செய்தீர்கள்?
ஏன் சப்பாத்துக்கள் நெருங்கின?
ஏன் பயங்கரமான சீருடைகள் நெருங்கின?
ஏன் ஆழமாய் அழித்துக் கொண்டிருக்கும் துப்பாக்கிகள் நெருங்கின?
ஏன் அழித்து முடிக்கச் சொல்லிய கட்டளைகள் நெருங்கின?
சித்திரவதைகளால் உயிர் இழந்து கொண்டிருந்த
சிறுவனின் முகம்
கொலைக்காட்சிகளில் இன்னும் நெளிந்து கொண்டிருக்கிறது.
நிலத்திற்கிடையில் குழந்தைகள் அலைகின்றனர்.
______________________
19.05.2010
Tuesday, May 18, 2010
War Crimes in Sri Lanka
Although both sides committed atrocities throughout the many years of conflict, the scale and nature of violations particularly worsened from January 2009 to the government’s declaration of victory in May. Evidence gathered by the International Crisis Group suggests that these months saw tens of thousands of Tamil civilian men, women, children and the elderly killed, countless more wounded, and hundreds of thousands deprived of adequate food and medical care, resulting in more deaths.
This evidence also provides reasonable grounds to believe the Sri Lankan security forces committed war crimes with top government and military leaders potentially responsible. There is evidence of war crimes committed by the LTTE and its leaders as well, but most of them were killed and will never face justice. An international inquiry into alleged crimes is essential given the absence of political will or capacity for genuine domestic investigations, the need for an accounting to address the grievances that drive conflict in Sri Lanka, and the potential of other governments adopting the Sri Lankan model of counter-insurgency in their own internal conflicts.
Crisis Group possesses credible evidence that is sufficient to warrant an independent international investigation of the following allegations:
The intentional shelling of civilians. Starting in late January, the government and security forces encouraged hundreds of thousands of civilians to move into ever smaller government-declared No Fire Zones (NFZs) and then subjected them to repeated and increasingly intense artillery and mortar barrages and other fire. This continued through May despite the government and security forces knowing the size and location of the civilian population and scale of civilian casualties.
The intentional shelling of hospitals. The security forces shelled hospitals and makeshift medical centres – many overflowing with the wounded and sick – on multiple occasions even though they knew of their precise locations and functions. During these incidents, medical staff, the United Nations, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and others continually informed the government and security forces of the shelling, yet they continued to strike medical facilities through May forcing civilians to abandon them.
The intentional shelling of humanitarian operations. Despite knowing the exact location of humanitarian operations and food distribution points, the security forces repeatedly shelled these areas, which were crowded with humanitarian workers, vehicles and supplies, and civilians. Many were killed or wounded trying to deliver or receive basic humanitarian assistance, including women, children and infants.
The consequences of the security forces’ shelling were made substantially worse by the government’s obstruction of food and medical treatment for the civilian population, including by knowingly claiming the civilian population was less than one third its actual size and denying adequate supplies.
The government declined to respond to Crisis Group’s request for comment on these allegations.
There is also strong evidence that the LTTE engaged in:
The intentional shooting of civilians. The LTTE fired on and killed or wounded many civilians in the conflict zone who were attempting to flee the shelling and cross into government-controlled areas.
The intentional infliction of suffering on civilians. The LTTE refused to allow civilians to leave the conflict zone, despite grave danger from shelling and lack of humanitarian supplies, even when the civilians were injured and dying. The LTTE also forcibly recruited many civilians to fight or serve as labourers and beat some family members who protested the recruitment.
The substantial body of evidence collected by Crisis Group since August 2009 offers a compelling case for investigation of the conduct of hostilities and the role of the military and political leadership on both sides. It consists of numerous eyewitness statements that Crisis Group has taken and considers to be reliable as well as hundreds of photographs, video, satellite images, electronic communications and documents from multiple credible sources. But it covers only a small number of the violations allegedly committed and is but a first step in what should be a major effort to examine the last year of the war. Among the other allegations that should be investigated are the recruitment of children by the LTTE and the execution by the security forces of those who had laid down their arms and were trying to surrender.
Much of the international community turned a blind eye to the violations when they were happening. Some issued statements calling for restraint but took no action as the government continually denied any wrongdoing. Many countries had declared the LTTE terrorists and welcomed their defeat. They encouraged the government’s tough response while failing to press for political reforms to address Tamil grievances or for any improvement in human rights.
This evidence also provides reasonable grounds to believe the Sri Lankan security forces committed war crimes with top government and military leaders potentially responsible. There is evidence of war crimes committed by the LTTE and its leaders as well, but most of them were killed and will never face justice. An international inquiry into alleged crimes is essential given the absence of political will or capacity for genuine domestic investigations, the need for an accounting to address the grievances that drive conflict in Sri Lanka, and the potential of other governments adopting the Sri Lankan model of counter-insurgency in their own internal conflicts.
Crisis Group possesses credible evidence that is sufficient to warrant an independent international investigation of the following allegations:
The intentional shelling of civilians. Starting in late January, the government and security forces encouraged hundreds of thousands of civilians to move into ever smaller government-declared No Fire Zones (NFZs) and then subjected them to repeated and increasingly intense artillery and mortar barrages and other fire. This continued through May despite the government and security forces knowing the size and location of the civilian population and scale of civilian casualties.
The intentional shelling of hospitals. The security forces shelled hospitals and makeshift medical centres – many overflowing with the wounded and sick – on multiple occasions even though they knew of their precise locations and functions. During these incidents, medical staff, the United Nations, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and others continually informed the government and security forces of the shelling, yet they continued to strike medical facilities through May forcing civilians to abandon them.
The intentional shelling of humanitarian operations. Despite knowing the exact location of humanitarian operations and food distribution points, the security forces repeatedly shelled these areas, which were crowded with humanitarian workers, vehicles and supplies, and civilians. Many were killed or wounded trying to deliver or receive basic humanitarian assistance, including women, children and infants.
The consequences of the security forces’ shelling were made substantially worse by the government’s obstruction of food and medical treatment for the civilian population, including by knowingly claiming the civilian population was less than one third its actual size and denying adequate supplies.
The government declined to respond to Crisis Group’s request for comment on these allegations.
There is also strong evidence that the LTTE engaged in:
The intentional shooting of civilians. The LTTE fired on and killed or wounded many civilians in the conflict zone who were attempting to flee the shelling and cross into government-controlled areas.
The intentional infliction of suffering on civilians. The LTTE refused to allow civilians to leave the conflict zone, despite grave danger from shelling and lack of humanitarian supplies, even when the civilians were injured and dying. The LTTE also forcibly recruited many civilians to fight or serve as labourers and beat some family members who protested the recruitment.
The substantial body of evidence collected by Crisis Group since August 2009 offers a compelling case for investigation of the conduct of hostilities and the role of the military and political leadership on both sides. It consists of numerous eyewitness statements that Crisis Group has taken and considers to be reliable as well as hundreds of photographs, video, satellite images, electronic communications and documents from multiple credible sources. But it covers only a small number of the violations allegedly committed and is but a first step in what should be a major effort to examine the last year of the war. Among the other allegations that should be investigated are the recruitment of children by the LTTE and the execution by the security forces of those who had laid down their arms and were trying to surrender.
Much of the international community turned a blind eye to the violations when they were happening. Some issued statements calling for restraint but took no action as the government continually denied any wrongdoing. Many countries had declared the LTTE terrorists and welcomed their defeat. They encouraged the government’s tough response while failing to press for political reforms to address Tamil grievances or for any improvement in human rights.
The eventual destruction of the LTTE militarily came at the cost of immense civilian suffering and an acute challenge to the laws of war. It also undermined the credibility of the United Nations and further entrenched a bitterness among Tamils in Sri Lanka and elsewhere which may make a durable peace elusive. Now a number of other countries are considering “the Sri Lankan option” – unrestrained military action, refusal to negotiate, disregard for humanitarian issues – as a way to deal with insurgencies and other violent groups.
To recover from this damage, there must be a concerted effort to investigate alleged war crimes by both sides and prosecute those responsible. Sri Lanka is not a member state of the International Criminal Court (ICC), and the UN Security Council is not likely to refer these crimes to the ICC in the short term.
To recover from this damage, there must be a concerted effort to investigate alleged war crimes by both sides and prosecute those responsible. Sri Lanka is not a member state of the International Criminal Court (ICC), and the UN Security Council is not likely to refer these crimes to the ICC in the short term.
While some of the LTTE may go on trial in Sri Lanka, it is virtually impossible that any domestic investigation into the government or security forces would be impartial given the entrenched culture of impunity.
A UN-mandated international inquiry should be the priority, and those countries that have jurisdiction over alleged crimes – including countries such as the U.S. where dual nationals or residents may be suspected – should vigorously pursue investigations.
RECOMMENDATIONS
To the Government of Sri Lanka:
1. Cooperate fully with international efforts to investigate alleged war crimes, including a UN-mandated international inquiry, guaranteeing free access to the conflict area and effective protection of witnesses.
2. Try LTTE cadres suspected of war crimes in open court, allowing them and witnesses against them full protections required by international law and permitting international oversight, or release them if there is insufficient evidence.
3. Invite the UN special rapporteurs on extrajudicial executions, torture, violence against women, the right to food, the right to health, the protection of human rights while countering terrorism and the situation of human rights defenders, and the special representatives on the human rights of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and on children and armed conflict, to visit Sri Lanka to investigate the conduct of the last year of hostilities.
4. Compile, with the assistance of the ICRC and/or the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, a full and public register of those killed, wounded and missing from the final months of the war, including the circumstances of their death, injury or disappearance; and issue death certificates and provide financial compensation for civilians killed or wounded and for property destroyed or damaged.
5. Provide ICRC with full access to all places of detention, including where LTTE suspects or surrendees are being held, and allow detained individuals full protections under international law.
To the United Nations and Member States:
6. Authorise an independent international inquiry into alleged war crimes in Sri Lanka during the last year of the conflict, tasking it to investigate the conduct of both sides, to complete its work within a reasonably short period and to recommend steps to be taken by national and international authorities to ensure accountability for any crimes.
7. Begin inquiries into attacks on UN assets and personnel and into the conduct of the UN during the last year of the conflict, examining the UN’s September 2008 withdrawal from Kilinochchi through to its ineffectual attempts to push for a ceasefire and its involvement in Sri Lankan government internment camps.
8. Empower the special rapporteurs on extrajudicial executions, torture, violence against women, the right to food, the right to health, the protection of human rights while countering terrorism and the situation of human rights defenders, and the special representative on the human rights of internally displaced persons (IDPs), to carry out full investigations of the conduct of the last year of hostilities, particularly into alleged extrajudicial executions and torture, and the special representative on children and armed conflict to more completely investigate the recruitment of child soldiers and killing and maiming of children.
9. Make available to any credible efforts to investigate alleged war crimes in Sri Lanka all relevant information within the possession or control of the UN.
10. Ensure that Sri Lankan contributions to UN peacekeeping missions are consistent with universal human rights principles, including by ensuring the systematic pre-deployment screening of Sri Lankan personnel to identify any individuals allegedly involved in war crimes or human rights violations.
To India, the United States, Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom, France, Other EU Member States, Switzerland and Others:
11. Do not extradite LTTE suspects to Sri Lanka unless guarantees of humane treatment and fair trials are in place. Instead prosecute in domestic courts where possible and appropriate.
12. Begin investigations into alleged war crimes or human rights abuses in cases where jurisdiction may exist, including where nationals or residents are allegedly involved. Ensure such investigations have sufficient resources and share evidence in the possession or control of governments, including satellite imagery.
13. Support non-frivolous civil suits by or on behalf of alleged victims of the security forces or the LTTE, including by limiting claims of immunity.
14. Grant asylum or other protected status to witnesses and act to preserve evidence of war crimes, particularly by allowing officials to cooperate with credible investigations.
15. Impose targeted sanctions, including travel restrictions, on Sri Lankan officials and members of their families, unless and until the government cooperates with international efforts to investigate alleged war crimes.
Brussels, 17 May 2010
Source:http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-asia/sri-lanka/191-war-crimes-in-sri-lanka.aspx
RECOMMENDATIONS
To the Government of Sri Lanka:
1. Cooperate fully with international efforts to investigate alleged war crimes, including a UN-mandated international inquiry, guaranteeing free access to the conflict area and effective protection of witnesses.
2. Try LTTE cadres suspected of war crimes in open court, allowing them and witnesses against them full protections required by international law and permitting international oversight, or release them if there is insufficient evidence.
3. Invite the UN special rapporteurs on extrajudicial executions, torture, violence against women, the right to food, the right to health, the protection of human rights while countering terrorism and the situation of human rights defenders, and the special representatives on the human rights of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and on children and armed conflict, to visit Sri Lanka to investigate the conduct of the last year of hostilities.
4. Compile, with the assistance of the ICRC and/or the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, a full and public register of those killed, wounded and missing from the final months of the war, including the circumstances of their death, injury or disappearance; and issue death certificates and provide financial compensation for civilians killed or wounded and for property destroyed or damaged.
5. Provide ICRC with full access to all places of detention, including where LTTE suspects or surrendees are being held, and allow detained individuals full protections under international law.
To the United Nations and Member States:
6. Authorise an independent international inquiry into alleged war crimes in Sri Lanka during the last year of the conflict, tasking it to investigate the conduct of both sides, to complete its work within a reasonably short period and to recommend steps to be taken by national and international authorities to ensure accountability for any crimes.
7. Begin inquiries into attacks on UN assets and personnel and into the conduct of the UN during the last year of the conflict, examining the UN’s September 2008 withdrawal from Kilinochchi through to its ineffectual attempts to push for a ceasefire and its involvement in Sri Lankan government internment camps.
8. Empower the special rapporteurs on extrajudicial executions, torture, violence against women, the right to food, the right to health, the protection of human rights while countering terrorism and the situation of human rights defenders, and the special representative on the human rights of internally displaced persons (IDPs), to carry out full investigations of the conduct of the last year of hostilities, particularly into alleged extrajudicial executions and torture, and the special representative on children and armed conflict to more completely investigate the recruitment of child soldiers and killing and maiming of children.
9. Make available to any credible efforts to investigate alleged war crimes in Sri Lanka all relevant information within the possession or control of the UN.
10. Ensure that Sri Lankan contributions to UN peacekeeping missions are consistent with universal human rights principles, including by ensuring the systematic pre-deployment screening of Sri Lankan personnel to identify any individuals allegedly involved in war crimes or human rights violations.
To India, the United States, Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom, France, Other EU Member States, Switzerland and Others:
11. Do not extradite LTTE suspects to Sri Lanka unless guarantees of humane treatment and fair trials are in place. Instead prosecute in domestic courts where possible and appropriate.
12. Begin investigations into alleged war crimes or human rights abuses in cases where jurisdiction may exist, including where nationals or residents are allegedly involved. Ensure such investigations have sufficient resources and share evidence in the possession or control of governments, including satellite imagery.
13. Support non-frivolous civil suits by or on behalf of alleged victims of the security forces or the LTTE, including by limiting claims of immunity.
14. Grant asylum or other protected status to witnesses and act to preserve evidence of war crimes, particularly by allowing officials to cooperate with credible investigations.
15. Impose targeted sanctions, including travel restrictions, on Sri Lankan officials and members of their families, unless and until the government cooperates with international efforts to investigate alleged war crimes.
Brussels, 17 May 2010
Source:http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-asia/sri-lanka/191-war-crimes-in-sri-lanka.aspx
Monday, May 17, 2010
Ingush Opposition Blogger Accused of Drug Trafficking
Source: http://www.themoscowtimes.com/news/article/ingush-opposition-blogger-accused-of-drug-trafficking/406052.html
By Natalya Krainova
A blogger who worked with slain Ingush opposition journalist Magomed Yevloyev has been detained in Moscow on suspicion of drug trafficking and possession of explosives and extremist materials, charges that his supporters called a cover for political persecution.
Alexei, or Alaudin, Dudko, 39, who runs the blog Ingushetia-ru.livejournal.com, was detained on the night of May 4 in front of the apartment building where he lives in Moscow by Federal Security Service officers, who beat him up and planted drugs and explosives on him, Mikhail Kriger, a prisoner rights activist, told The Moscow Times by telephone Sunday.
Dudko was placed in the Butyrka pretrial prison May 7 after a Moscow court ordered his arrest. Butyrka officials had not let Dudko's state-appointed lawyer visit him as of Sunday, which is a violation of his legal rights, Kriger said.
Charges of drug trafficking and possession of explosives carry maximum sentences of 10 and four years, respectively.
Prosecutors said Dudko broke the law on extremism with some of his blog posts, Kasparov.ru reported.
"Dudko's friends and family claim that the reason for his detention was the information covered in his blog," Kaloi Akhilgov, spokesman for Ingush President Yunus-Bek Yevkurov, wrote on his LiveJournal blog May 8.
Akhilgov, reached by phone Friday, said he had nothing to add to his blog post, adding that Yevkurov's wife and friends had gotten hold of him.
Dudko, a Ukrainian national who converted to Islam, contributed to Yevloyev's Ingushetia.org opposition web site. He also provided technical support for the site and mirrored its content on his blog.
Yevloyev was shot dead after being taken into custody by Ingush police in August 2008.
After that, Dudko became an independent blogger, mostly covering rebel attacks in his posts.
Dudko has been living in Moscow for the past 10 to 15 years and has a wife and two children, Kasparov.ru said.
By Natalya Krainova
A blogger who worked with slain Ingush opposition journalist Magomed Yevloyev has been detained in Moscow on suspicion of drug trafficking and possession of explosives and extremist materials, charges that his supporters called a cover for political persecution.
Alexei, or Alaudin, Dudko, 39, who runs the blog Ingushetia-ru.livejournal.com, was detained on the night of May 4 in front of the apartment building where he lives in Moscow by Federal Security Service officers, who beat him up and planted drugs and explosives on him, Mikhail Kriger, a prisoner rights activist, told The Moscow Times by telephone Sunday.
Dudko was placed in the Butyrka pretrial prison May 7 after a Moscow court ordered his arrest. Butyrka officials had not let Dudko's state-appointed lawyer visit him as of Sunday, which is a violation of his legal rights, Kriger said.
Charges of drug trafficking and possession of explosives carry maximum sentences of 10 and four years, respectively.
Prosecutors said Dudko broke the law on extremism with some of his blog posts, Kasparov.ru reported.
"Dudko's friends and family claim that the reason for his detention was the information covered in his blog," Kaloi Akhilgov, spokesman for Ingush President Yunus-Bek Yevkurov, wrote on his LiveJournal blog May 8.
Akhilgov, reached by phone Friday, said he had nothing to add to his blog post, adding that Yevkurov's wife and friends had gotten hold of him.
Dudko, a Ukrainian national who converted to Islam, contributed to Yevloyev's Ingushetia.org opposition web site. He also provided technical support for the site and mirrored its content on his blog.
Yevloyev was shot dead after being taken into custody by Ingush police in August 2008.
After that, Dudko became an independent blogger, mostly covering rebel attacks in his posts.
Dudko has been living in Moscow for the past 10 to 15 years and has a wife and two children, Kasparov.ru said.
Saturday, May 15, 2010
Oil Companies Sometimes Lie
By Matthew Smith
Senior Consultant, EarthRights International
Yet there is another inconvenient truth to the unseemly resume of the oil giants: Oil companies sometimes lie.
In Burma (Myanmar), over the last twenty years, Chevron, Total, and the Thai company PTTEP -- operators of the forced labor plagued Yadana natural gas pipeline -- have made hundreds of millions, if not billions, in undisclosed payments to the ruling military junta, financing an undemocratic band of generals accused of Crimes Against Humanity. The overall gas profits, estimated at nearly $5 billion dollars from 2000-2008 alone, have provided the Burmese military regime a convenient shield from domestic democratic pressures, such as the 2007 Saffron Revolution, a peaceful but brutally suppressed monk-led uprising that was sparked in part by a dramatic rise in domestic gas prices. Chevron, Total, and PTTEP have in effect undermined U.S. foreign policy toward Burma - a policy intended to promote democracy and human rights, not callous profiteering and overt repression.
But this is old news. A more recent revelation is that the companies have lied about their ability to practice revenue transparency in Burma. Both Chevron and Total have privately told shareholders they are contractually unable to be transparent in their payments to the junta. Their claim is simply untrue.
In 2004, during the landmark lawsuit brought by Burmese villagers in U.S. courts against Unocal Corporation (now Chevron) for complicity in forced labor, torture, and killings along the Yadana pipeline, the companies' contracts with the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) became public documents. In no way do they restrict Chevron, Total, or PTTEP from disclosing their payments to the junta - past, present, and future.
Total has privately claimed the contrary for years. Multiple shareholders have told EarthRights International that the company has claimed their contracts with the junta are confidential, and the company has further claimed that contractual clauses prevent them from disclosing payments to the Burmese state.
Even more recent is new information we obtained suggesting Total's partner Chevron has likewise lied to its shareholders. A few days ago, I received some interesting communications from a longtime Chevron shareholder - the manager of an investment firm - indicating that the American oil giant, which recently reported its largest profit increase in a decade, not only lied to him regarding the company's revenue opacity in Burma, but also to several investment firms, including the one he represents, and to two of America's largest labor unions.
Citing phone calls with Chevron executives, this shareholder and others recall that Chevron rejected requests to be transparent in Burma, claiming their contract with the junta prevented disclosure of any payment information to anyone, including the company's own investors. Like Total, the company also claimed their contracts could not be shared.
The truth is that their contracts are available for the world to see, and have been for six years. Last week, EarthRights International (ERI) published the documents on its website. According to ERI's Legal Director Marco Simons, "while these contracts do require the partners to keep confidential information that they have acquired from MOGE, nothing in them suggests that payments to the regime would qualify as confidential information, or even that the contracts themselves need to be kept confidential."
In other words, Chevron and Total lied.
Last month, we called on these companies to step forward and do the right thing by disclosing their payments to the Burmese junta. I traveled to Bangkok with Naing Htoo from EarthRights International and Wong Aung from the Shwe Gas Movement to launch an initiative urging the companies to become the first oil companies in Burma to practice revenue transparency. With the stalwart backing of an international group of over 160 organizations and individuals, we called on the companies to publish over 18 years of "taxes, fees, royalties, bonuses, and social benefits" paid to the Burmese junta, which has ruled the country in various iterations for nearly 50 years.
The positive development outcomes associated with revenue transparency in the extractive industries are clear. Research indicates that developing states relying on gas and oil revenues are less accountable to their citizens politically and economically, which in turn fuels authoritarianism. Revenue transparency, on the other hand, promotes an open society. According to UCLA political scientist Michael Ross, "in too many countries, dictators use natural resource wealth to keep themselves in power. Revenue secrecy makes this possible. Revenue transparency can help change it."
Transparency can also help with corruption control, which is particularly important in Burma, a country recently ranked by Transparency International as the third most corrupt in the world, behind Afghanistan and Somalia.
But the bottom line is that the people of Burma have a right to know what Chevron, Total, and PTTEP have paid the state for public resources.
Far from a marginalized effort, this campaign has notable backers, including Mary Robinson, the first woman President of Ireland, former U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, and veritable leader in the field of business and human rights. It's also backed by Kerry Kennedy, the founder of the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights and longtime advocate of speaking truth to power; and Kjell Magne Bondevik, the two-time Prime Minister of oil-rich Norway and founding president of the Oslo Center for Peace and Human Rights. Over 65 organizations from Burma also back the effort, representing every major ethnic group in the diverse country.
Documentation of Chevron and Total's dishonesty and lack of revenue transparency in Burma is markedly different than the common criticisms waged against the companies. They usually boil under the spotlight for their complicity in forced labor, killings, and other abuses committed by the Burmese Tatmadaw (Army) guarding their 40-mile long gas pipeline to Thailand, abuses we continue to document today. While revenue transparency will in no way absolve the companies of their responsibility for these ongoing abuses, it will be a critical step in the right direction.
Coincidentally, they already champion transparency. Both Chevron and Total have in general acknowledged the potential for positive development outcomes through revenue transparency, and both companies in effect recognize that revenue secrecy is increasingly indefensible. Why else would they cite fabricated contractual restrictions as obstacles to transparency, rather than simply refuse in principle to practice it? In other words, their lies are the tribute vice pays to virtue.
The yes or no question remains: will Total, Chevron, and PTTEP do something positive for Burma and disclose details of their last 18 years of payments to the junta?
Senior Consultant, EarthRights International
As America's environmental catastrophe continues to surface in the oil-slicked Gulf of Mexico, critics of the petroleum industry are rightfully coming out of the woodwork. Whether it's shoddy safety records, toxic pollution, or fueling conflict and corruption, oil companies have unarguably contributed to some of the most serious and damaging corporate activities around the globe.
Yet there is another inconvenient truth to the unseemly resume of the oil giants: Oil companies sometimes lie.
In Burma (Myanmar), over the last twenty years, Chevron, Total, and the Thai company PTTEP -- operators of the forced labor plagued Yadana natural gas pipeline -- have made hundreds of millions, if not billions, in undisclosed payments to the ruling military junta, financing an undemocratic band of generals accused of Crimes Against Humanity. The overall gas profits, estimated at nearly $5 billion dollars from 2000-2008 alone, have provided the Burmese military regime a convenient shield from domestic democratic pressures, such as the 2007 Saffron Revolution, a peaceful but brutally suppressed monk-led uprising that was sparked in part by a dramatic rise in domestic gas prices. Chevron, Total, and PTTEP have in effect undermined U.S. foreign policy toward Burma - a policy intended to promote democracy and human rights, not callous profiteering and overt repression.
But this is old news. A more recent revelation is that the companies have lied about their ability to practice revenue transparency in Burma. Both Chevron and Total have privately told shareholders they are contractually unable to be transparent in their payments to the junta. Their claim is simply untrue.
In 2004, during the landmark lawsuit brought by Burmese villagers in U.S. courts against Unocal Corporation (now Chevron) for complicity in forced labor, torture, and killings along the Yadana pipeline, the companies' contracts with the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) became public documents. In no way do they restrict Chevron, Total, or PTTEP from disclosing their payments to the junta - past, present, and future.
Total has privately claimed the contrary for years. Multiple shareholders have told EarthRights International that the company has claimed their contracts with the junta are confidential, and the company has further claimed that contractual clauses prevent them from disclosing payments to the Burmese state.
Even more recent is new information we obtained suggesting Total's partner Chevron has likewise lied to its shareholders. A few days ago, I received some interesting communications from a longtime Chevron shareholder - the manager of an investment firm - indicating that the American oil giant, which recently reported its largest profit increase in a decade, not only lied to him regarding the company's revenue opacity in Burma, but also to several investment firms, including the one he represents, and to two of America's largest labor unions.
Citing phone calls with Chevron executives, this shareholder and others recall that Chevron rejected requests to be transparent in Burma, claiming their contract with the junta prevented disclosure of any payment information to anyone, including the company's own investors. Like Total, the company also claimed their contracts could not be shared.
The truth is that their contracts are available for the world to see, and have been for six years. Last week, EarthRights International (ERI) published the documents on its website. According to ERI's Legal Director Marco Simons, "while these contracts do require the partners to keep confidential information that they have acquired from MOGE, nothing in them suggests that payments to the regime would qualify as confidential information, or even that the contracts themselves need to be kept confidential."
In other words, Chevron and Total lied.
Last month, we called on these companies to step forward and do the right thing by disclosing their payments to the Burmese junta. I traveled to Bangkok with Naing Htoo from EarthRights International and Wong Aung from the Shwe Gas Movement to launch an initiative urging the companies to become the first oil companies in Burma to practice revenue transparency. With the stalwart backing of an international group of over 160 organizations and individuals, we called on the companies to publish over 18 years of "taxes, fees, royalties, bonuses, and social benefits" paid to the Burmese junta, which has ruled the country in various iterations for nearly 50 years.
The positive development outcomes associated with revenue transparency in the extractive industries are clear. Research indicates that developing states relying on gas and oil revenues are less accountable to their citizens politically and economically, which in turn fuels authoritarianism. Revenue transparency, on the other hand, promotes an open society. According to UCLA political scientist Michael Ross, "in too many countries, dictators use natural resource wealth to keep themselves in power. Revenue secrecy makes this possible. Revenue transparency can help change it."
Transparency can also help with corruption control, which is particularly important in Burma, a country recently ranked by Transparency International as the third most corrupt in the world, behind Afghanistan and Somalia.
But the bottom line is that the people of Burma have a right to know what Chevron, Total, and PTTEP have paid the state for public resources.
Far from a marginalized effort, this campaign has notable backers, including Mary Robinson, the first woman President of Ireland, former U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, and veritable leader in the field of business and human rights. It's also backed by Kerry Kennedy, the founder of the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights and longtime advocate of speaking truth to power; and Kjell Magne Bondevik, the two-time Prime Minister of oil-rich Norway and founding president of the Oslo Center for Peace and Human Rights. Over 65 organizations from Burma also back the effort, representing every major ethnic group in the diverse country.
Documentation of Chevron and Total's dishonesty and lack of revenue transparency in Burma is markedly different than the common criticisms waged against the companies. They usually boil under the spotlight for their complicity in forced labor, killings, and other abuses committed by the Burmese Tatmadaw (Army) guarding their 40-mile long gas pipeline to Thailand, abuses we continue to document today. While revenue transparency will in no way absolve the companies of their responsibility for these ongoing abuses, it will be a critical step in the right direction.
Coincidentally, they already champion transparency. Both Chevron and Total have in general acknowledged the potential for positive development outcomes through revenue transparency, and both companies in effect recognize that revenue secrecy is increasingly indefensible. Why else would they cite fabricated contractual restrictions as obstacles to transparency, rather than simply refuse in principle to practice it? In other words, their lies are the tribute vice pays to virtue.
The yes or no question remains: will Total, Chevron, and PTTEP do something positive for Burma and disclose details of their last 18 years of payments to the junta?
Friday, May 14, 2010
‘The General must not be disturbed’
Picture courtesy: http://davidfday.files.wordpress.comBy BENEDICT ROGERS
Published: 12 April 2010
Burma’s Senior General Than Shwe is undoubtedly number one. Since he took power in 1992, he has consolidated his own personal position in a way that means Burma is no longer ruled by a collection of Generals, as it was from September 1988 until the mid-1990s, but by one man, Burma’s tyrant.
Evidence of this is abundant, but an illustration came when British politician Andrew Mitchell MP visited Rangoon in 2007. He asked the Deputy Foreign Minister if he could visit Aung San Suu Kyi. The Deputy Foreign Minister trembled, saying only one man could give permission: Than Shwe. “Well call him up then,” Mitchell suggested. Such an idea was enough to turn the Deputy Foreign Minister’s face pale. The Senior General must not be disturbed, he retorted.
Writing a biography of Than Shwe is far from easy. Few people know much about him, and access to him or his family, for an activist like me, is impossible. I requested an interview with him, and with the Burmese ambassador in London, but received no reply. Instead, I had to rely on anecdotes from defectors from the Burma Army who have known him at different times, during his military training, his time as South-West Regional Commander and as Senior General, and the impressions of international diplomats who have met him.
Published: 12 April 2010
Burma’s Senior General Than Shwe is undoubtedly number one. Since he took power in 1992, he has consolidated his own personal position in a way that means Burma is no longer ruled by a collection of Generals, as it was from September 1988 until the mid-1990s, but by one man, Burma’s tyrant.
Evidence of this is abundant, but an illustration came when British politician Andrew Mitchell MP visited Rangoon in 2007. He asked the Deputy Foreign Minister if he could visit Aung San Suu Kyi. The Deputy Foreign Minister trembled, saying only one man could give permission: Than Shwe. “Well call him up then,” Mitchell suggested. Such an idea was enough to turn the Deputy Foreign Minister’s face pale. The Senior General must not be disturbed, he retorted.
Writing a biography of Than Shwe is far from easy. Few people know much about him, and access to him or his family, for an activist like me, is impossible. I requested an interview with him, and with the Burmese ambassador in London, but received no reply. Instead, I had to rely on anecdotes from defectors from the Burma Army who have known him at different times, during his military training, his time as South-West Regional Commander and as Senior General, and the impressions of international diplomats who have met him.
I conducted extensive interviews with people such as former UN Special Envoy Razali Ismail, former British ambassador Mark Canning, former Australian, American, Japanese and Thai diplomats, and others. I also travelled to Burma, visiting Naypyidaw and talking to people in various parts of the country and along its borders about life under Than Shwe’s rule. I was told many stories, some of which I believe are true and others are impossible to verify. Rumour surrounds Than Shwe, but even if some stories are untrue, the fact that they spread says something about him and his family, and how widely disliked they are. In every rumour, there is at least a grain of truth, a flash of insight into his character and mindset.
Than Shwe was born in Kyaukse, an area near Mandalay well known for its conservative culture. His education was limited, and after only a year as a postman, he joined the Officer Training School (OTS) and rose through the ranks of the Tatmadaw. In 1958, the year the military took control of the government for the first time, Than Shwe joined the office of the Director of Education and Psychological Warfare, where he gained grounding in the skills of propaganda and divide-and-rule which he uses to manipulate and destroy his opponents today.
Than Shwe was born in Kyaukse, an area near Mandalay well known for its conservative culture. His education was limited, and after only a year as a postman, he joined the Officer Training School (OTS) and rose through the ranks of the Tatmadaw. In 1958, the year the military took control of the government for the first time, Than Shwe joined the office of the Director of Education and Psychological Warfare, where he gained grounding in the skills of propaganda and divide-and-rule which he uses to manipulate and destroy his opponents today.
His time in the Central School of Political Sciences a few years later was also influential. Tasked with teaching the Burmese Way to Socialism, Ne Win’s ideological framework designed to justify military rule, described by one former diplomat as “an amalgam of Karl Marx and Groucho Marx”, Than Shwe taught history. His love of the ancient Burmese warrior kings, on whom he models himself, and his penchant for giving visiting diplomats long, distorted lectures on Burmese history, is likely to have grown from this time. At least one reason for the move to a new capital, Naypyidaw, described by former British ambassador Mark Canning as “the most awful place you have ever been to,” is that Burmese kings had a tradition of building new capitals, as part of their legacy. Naypyidaw means “the Seat of Kings”, and is part of Than Shwe’s legacy.
According to those who knew Than Shwe during the 1960s and 1970s, he was not regarded as a particularly successful soldier. Sein Thaung says he was “not very smart, very quiet, and always willing to say things to please the commander … but no one was impressed.” But this very lack of flair, ability, charisma and overt ambition was the secret of his success. “Than Shwe kept quiet – he knew that if you show off too much in the military, you are likely to be chopped,” said one of his former colleagues.
In fact, some question the extent of his battlefield experience altogether, and most doubt that the medals he wears today were earned. There are even some stories of real incompetence and cowardice. Former Communist solder Aung Kyaw Zaw claims that in a battle between the Tatmadaw and the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) in 1980, Than Shwe was ordered to move his troops into Khangtang and the Loi Mwe Valley. He fulfilled this command, but then switched off his radio for two days and disappeared. “He went to sleep in the valley,” says Aung Kyaw Zaw. “He didn’t want to fight.”When he finally resumed communications, his superiors were furious. “They told him to take off his badge and rank and hand them over to senior officers. They told him he was incapable.”
Bizarrely, however, it was his very lack of competence that brought him to Ne Win’s attention. Although Ne Win and his top advisors doubted Than Shwe’s military prowess, they had no reservations about his loyalty. “Ne Win didn’t like good soldiers, he only liked followers, dull people like Than Shwe,” concludes Aung Kyaw Zaw.
Than Shwe benefited from Ne Win’s suspicion of potential rivals in the regime, particularly after the coup plot against Ne Win in 1976, and was rewarded for his loyalty. His rose to become South-West Regional Commander, where according to those who knew him he developed a passion for infrastructure projects and false propaganda. He embarked on a campaign to improve literacy rates, and declared victory, claiming to have eliminated illiteracy in the Irrawaddy Delta. Others who were there at the time claim there remained many people who could not read or write.
Despite presiding over a system of widespread forced labour, Than Shwe gained a reputation among those who worked for him as Regional Commander as a modest man with simple tastes and no signs of the cruelty and corruption endemic in his family and regime today. One of his former staff says that in the early 1980s, Than Shwe was “a nice guy”.
But if a palm-reader were consulted, they would not conclude that Than Shwe is a nice guy. According to palm-readers, most people have three lines on their palms: a life line, indicating health, a head line representing intellect, and a heart line, meaning compassion. Look at a photograph of Than Shwe waving, and you will see: he has no heart line.
After the brutal suppression of the democracy movement in 1988 and the return of a fully-fledged military regime, Than Shwe became the number two, under General Saw Maung. He manoeuvred skilfully to oust Saw Maung in 1992, perhaps together with Khin Nyunt, and became the Senior General. Rumours suggest Than Shwe may have been involved in drugging Saw Maung. However, even despite his ruthlessness in ousting Saw Maung, Than Shwe was perceived as a stop-gap. Ne Win saw him as less of a threat to him than Khin Nyunt, and therefore a safer bet. Diplomats say he was seen as a “short-termer”. A former Thai ambassador recalls: “He played the fool at the beginning, giving the impression of a parochial, unambitious person, giving Ne Win the impression that he could trust him, that he was not hungry for power. He was a mastermind – he fooled everybody.”
Razali Ismail says Than Shwe can be “very charming and friendly when he wants to be,” but most diplomats who have met him describe him as “cold and humourless”. Humour, said one, “is not part of his personality” and he has a “plump, sullen face”. He speaks English quite well, loves Manchester United, watches Chinese Shaolin martial arts movies, reads TIME magazine and, reportedly, surfs the Internet.
According to those who knew Than Shwe during the 1960s and 1970s, he was not regarded as a particularly successful soldier. Sein Thaung says he was “not very smart, very quiet, and always willing to say things to please the commander … but no one was impressed.” But this very lack of flair, ability, charisma and overt ambition was the secret of his success. “Than Shwe kept quiet – he knew that if you show off too much in the military, you are likely to be chopped,” said one of his former colleagues.
In fact, some question the extent of his battlefield experience altogether, and most doubt that the medals he wears today were earned. There are even some stories of real incompetence and cowardice. Former Communist solder Aung Kyaw Zaw claims that in a battle between the Tatmadaw and the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) in 1980, Than Shwe was ordered to move his troops into Khangtang and the Loi Mwe Valley. He fulfilled this command, but then switched off his radio for two days and disappeared. “He went to sleep in the valley,” says Aung Kyaw Zaw. “He didn’t want to fight.”When he finally resumed communications, his superiors were furious. “They told him to take off his badge and rank and hand them over to senior officers. They told him he was incapable.”
Bizarrely, however, it was his very lack of competence that brought him to Ne Win’s attention. Although Ne Win and his top advisors doubted Than Shwe’s military prowess, they had no reservations about his loyalty. “Ne Win didn’t like good soldiers, he only liked followers, dull people like Than Shwe,” concludes Aung Kyaw Zaw.
Than Shwe benefited from Ne Win’s suspicion of potential rivals in the regime, particularly after the coup plot against Ne Win in 1976, and was rewarded for his loyalty. His rose to become South-West Regional Commander, where according to those who knew him he developed a passion for infrastructure projects and false propaganda. He embarked on a campaign to improve literacy rates, and declared victory, claiming to have eliminated illiteracy in the Irrawaddy Delta. Others who were there at the time claim there remained many people who could not read or write.
Despite presiding over a system of widespread forced labour, Than Shwe gained a reputation among those who worked for him as Regional Commander as a modest man with simple tastes and no signs of the cruelty and corruption endemic in his family and regime today. One of his former staff says that in the early 1980s, Than Shwe was “a nice guy”.
But if a palm-reader were consulted, they would not conclude that Than Shwe is a nice guy. According to palm-readers, most people have three lines on their palms: a life line, indicating health, a head line representing intellect, and a heart line, meaning compassion. Look at a photograph of Than Shwe waving, and you will see: he has no heart line.
After the brutal suppression of the democracy movement in 1988 and the return of a fully-fledged military regime, Than Shwe became the number two, under General Saw Maung. He manoeuvred skilfully to oust Saw Maung in 1992, perhaps together with Khin Nyunt, and became the Senior General. Rumours suggest Than Shwe may have been involved in drugging Saw Maung. However, even despite his ruthlessness in ousting Saw Maung, Than Shwe was perceived as a stop-gap. Ne Win saw him as less of a threat to him than Khin Nyunt, and therefore a safer bet. Diplomats say he was seen as a “short-termer”. A former Thai ambassador recalls: “He played the fool at the beginning, giving the impression of a parochial, unambitious person, giving Ne Win the impression that he could trust him, that he was not hungry for power. He was a mastermind – he fooled everybody.”
Razali Ismail says Than Shwe can be “very charming and friendly when he wants to be,” but most diplomats who have met him describe him as “cold and humourless”. Humour, said one, “is not part of his personality” and he has a “plump, sullen face”. He speaks English quite well, loves Manchester United, watches Chinese Shaolin martial arts movies, reads TIME magazine and, reportedly, surfs the Internet.
He eats simply, preferring basic curries, fried morning glory, fish-head soup and gourd and magnolia fritters. He is slow to make decisions, but when he does, he tends to overreact. During the Saffron Revolution, he reportedly went into a deep depression, and refused to eat anything except chicken rice soup.
His wife, Kyaing Kyaing, is a significant influence, particularly as far as astrologers are concerned. She had been married before, to another soldier who was killed in battle. Versions vary, but one account suggests Than Shwe was ordered by his superior to marry his fallen comrade’s widow, while another version says soldiers drew lots to decide who should marry her and he drew the short straw. She is known to dislike Aung San Suu Kyi at least as much as he does, if not more. Former diplomats say that Aung San Suu Kyi “represents everything that [the Generals and their wives] are not” – she is beautiful, intelligent, sophisticated, highly-educated and well-travelled.
How has Than Shwe maintained, indeed tightened, such a strong personal grip on power? He is despised and feared in equal measure, yet unlike other dictators, possesses no charisma to inspire loyalty. The answer, according to one diplomat, is that he controls the levers of power, especially regarding patronage and promotion.
His wife, Kyaing Kyaing, is a significant influence, particularly as far as astrologers are concerned. She had been married before, to another soldier who was killed in battle. Versions vary, but one account suggests Than Shwe was ordered by his superior to marry his fallen comrade’s widow, while another version says soldiers drew lots to decide who should marry her and he drew the short straw. She is known to dislike Aung San Suu Kyi at least as much as he does, if not more. Former diplomats say that Aung San Suu Kyi “represents everything that [the Generals and their wives] are not” – she is beautiful, intelligent, sophisticated, highly-educated and well-travelled.
How has Than Shwe maintained, indeed tightened, such a strong personal grip on power? He is despised and feared in equal measure, yet unlike other dictators, possesses no charisma to inspire loyalty. The answer, according to one diplomat, is that he controls the levers of power, especially regarding patronage and promotion.
Many soldiers owe their careers to him, just as he owed his to Ne Win. Only when he had reached the very top did Than Shwe assert his own power. When he went as far as putting Ne Win and his family under house arrest, it was, says a former diplomat, “a pretty powerful statement of intent.” He has built several power bases, notably the Union Solidarity Development Association (USDA), a group of business cronies, the new capital, a new constitution and fake elections that will ensure military rule and protection for him and his family after his eventual retirement or death.
These are just some of the themes I explore in my book, in addition to his family’s greed and corruption, his grandson’s antics and the crimes against humanity perpetrated by his regime. In addition, the book examines the influence of astrology, the drugs trade, the nuclear programme, arms purchases, biological and chemical weapons, relations with China, Russia and North Korea, Khin Nyunt’s demise, Maung Aye’s role, the development of the USDA and Swann Arr Shin, the cronies, the succession, Naypyidaw, the Saffron Revolution, Cyclone Nargis and Than Shwe’s attitudes toward Aung San Suu Kyi who, according to Razali Ismail, “frightened the hell out of the military”.
These are just some of the themes I explore in my book, in addition to his family’s greed and corruption, his grandson’s antics and the crimes against humanity perpetrated by his regime. In addition, the book examines the influence of astrology, the drugs trade, the nuclear programme, arms purchases, biological and chemical weapons, relations with China, Russia and North Korea, Khin Nyunt’s demise, Maung Aye’s role, the development of the USDA and Swann Arr Shin, the cronies, the succession, Naypyidaw, the Saffron Revolution, Cyclone Nargis and Than Shwe’s attitudes toward Aung San Suu Kyi who, according to Razali Ismail, “frightened the hell out of the military”.
The conclusion I reach is that Than Shwe is a skilled manipulator, who knows how to play people off each other. Although not educated academically, it is a mistake to underestimate him or to think of him as mad or stupid. He is ruthless and brutal, but he knows what he wants and has shown a remarkable ability to get it. His very colourlessness and lack of flamboyance is the secret of his success.
Benedict Rogers is a writer and human rights activist working with Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW). His book Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma’s Tyrant will be published by Silkworm Books in June 2010
Benedict Rogers is a writer and human rights activist working with Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW). His book Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma’s Tyrant will be published by Silkworm Books in June 2010
How to approach North Korea
Source: http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/north-east-asia/north-korea/pinkston-how-to-approach-north-korea.aspx
Doing nothing is not the answer if Pyongyang is found guilty of blowing up South Korea's patrol ship.
South Korea may soon release the findings of an investigation into the sinking of the ROKS Ch’onan, a 1,200-tonne coastal patrol ship, which on March 26 was blown in half by an external explosion.
Many people have already blamed North Korea for the attack that killed 46 people near the disputed inter-Korean maritime boundary. They are probably right.
The North Korean navy was likely seeking revenge after one of its ships suffered casualties and heavy damage in a clash with the South last November. Furthermore, Kim Jong-un, Kim Jong-il’s third son and rumored heir to the Kim family dynasty, could be credited with having planned or approved the attack in order to shore up his credentials with the military.
If suspicions are proven correct, there are few good policy options available for a response. There is no sense in South Korea retaliating with military force since the costs far outweigh the possible benefits. Even posturing to use force rattles markets, and, despite public outrage, most South Koreans are unwilling to bear the costs of escalation and the risk of an all-out war.
The absence of good policy options, however, does not mean Seoul and the international community can or should ignore this incident. Doing nothing sends the wrong signal to Pyongyang, so the South Korean government is now exploring possible reactions.
Many conservatives believe Seoul should close down the Kaesong Industrial Complex, the inter-Korean project in the North where about 100 firms from the South employ around 40,000 North Korean workers. However, this option is unattractive, because North Korea could restrict passage across the Military Demarcation Line and essentially hold about 1,000 South Koreans working there as hostages.
There is also support for prohibiting North Korean ships from transiting through the Cheju Strait, but this would violate a 2004 inter-Korean maritime pact and would result in Pyongyang nullifying the whole agreement, including stipulations for humanitarian cooperation in the case of maritime accidents. Pyongyang could also counter by denying access to North Korean airspace and thus increase flight times and fuel costs on international routes for South Korea’s commercial airlines.
Furthermore, denying access to the strait would actually make it harder for the South to search for contraband on North Korean ships passing the South Korean southern coast. It would be wiser for Seoul to remain committed to the inter-Korean maritime agreement, and reiterate that it will fulfill its commitments to intercept illicit shipments of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and prohibit North Korean conventional arms exports.
Given South Korea’s obvious constraints, if North Korea is found guilty of the sinking, Seoul and its friends and allies have to take a measured approach.
First, the evidence should be reported to the U.N. Security Council since this would be a threat to peace and stability in the region. There is little room for additional sanctions, and arguably, the incident could be considered an act of war in a disputed area where two adversaries are only bound by the 1953 Korean War Armistice. Nevertheless, reporting the evidence to the Security Council provides an opportunity to remind all member states of their obligations to implement sanctions against North Korea.
The U.N. sanctions regime targets WMD and missile-related transactions as well relevant entities, individuals and their assets. Security Council sanctions also ban North Korean imports of luxury goods, which are used by the regime to buy loyalty from supporters. However, implementation has been sporadic, and Chinese compliance is crucial if sanctions are to effectively pressure the leadership. The international community should remind China of its obligation to enforce the luxury goods embargo.
Second, monitoring and deterrence should be strengthened to prevent a recurrence. South Korea is already taking steps in this direction, and the international community should lend its support.
The November 2009 sea clash was another indication that the [North] Korean People’s Army cannot compete with the South in the conventional realm. The bad news is that Pyongyang will rely more and more on the advantages it does have, including its WMD arsenal, to maintain security. This underscores the urgency to reconvening the Six-Party Talks, however slim the possibility of denuclearization.
Finally, the United States and South Korea should delay the termination of the Combined Forces Command (CFC) and the transfer of wartime operational control (OPCON) from the United Nations Command to the South Korean military, which is scheduled for April 2012. An unprovoked maritime attack, no progress on denuclearization, the complete absence of any confidence-building measures and succession looming in the North mean there is too much uncertainty to try restructuring the U.S.-South Korea alliance, which has proven to be a robust deterrent for almost 57 years.
Daniel A. Pinkston is North East Asia Deputy Project Director of the International Crisis Group.
Doing nothing is not the answer if Pyongyang is found guilty of blowing up South Korea's patrol ship.
South Korea may soon release the findings of an investigation into the sinking of the ROKS Ch’onan, a 1,200-tonne coastal patrol ship, which on March 26 was blown in half by an external explosion.
Many people have already blamed North Korea for the attack that killed 46 people near the disputed inter-Korean maritime boundary. They are probably right.
The North Korean navy was likely seeking revenge after one of its ships suffered casualties and heavy damage in a clash with the South last November. Furthermore, Kim Jong-un, Kim Jong-il’s third son and rumored heir to the Kim family dynasty, could be credited with having planned or approved the attack in order to shore up his credentials with the military.
If suspicions are proven correct, there are few good policy options available for a response. There is no sense in South Korea retaliating with military force since the costs far outweigh the possible benefits. Even posturing to use force rattles markets, and, despite public outrage, most South Koreans are unwilling to bear the costs of escalation and the risk of an all-out war.
The absence of good policy options, however, does not mean Seoul and the international community can or should ignore this incident. Doing nothing sends the wrong signal to Pyongyang, so the South Korean government is now exploring possible reactions.
Many conservatives believe Seoul should close down the Kaesong Industrial Complex, the inter-Korean project in the North where about 100 firms from the South employ around 40,000 North Korean workers. However, this option is unattractive, because North Korea could restrict passage across the Military Demarcation Line and essentially hold about 1,000 South Koreans working there as hostages.
There is also support for prohibiting North Korean ships from transiting through the Cheju Strait, but this would violate a 2004 inter-Korean maritime pact and would result in Pyongyang nullifying the whole agreement, including stipulations for humanitarian cooperation in the case of maritime accidents. Pyongyang could also counter by denying access to North Korean airspace and thus increase flight times and fuel costs on international routes for South Korea’s commercial airlines.
Furthermore, denying access to the strait would actually make it harder for the South to search for contraband on North Korean ships passing the South Korean southern coast. It would be wiser for Seoul to remain committed to the inter-Korean maritime agreement, and reiterate that it will fulfill its commitments to intercept illicit shipments of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and prohibit North Korean conventional arms exports.
Given South Korea’s obvious constraints, if North Korea is found guilty of the sinking, Seoul and its friends and allies have to take a measured approach.
First, the evidence should be reported to the U.N. Security Council since this would be a threat to peace and stability in the region. There is little room for additional sanctions, and arguably, the incident could be considered an act of war in a disputed area where two adversaries are only bound by the 1953 Korean War Armistice. Nevertheless, reporting the evidence to the Security Council provides an opportunity to remind all member states of their obligations to implement sanctions against North Korea.
The U.N. sanctions regime targets WMD and missile-related transactions as well relevant entities, individuals and their assets. Security Council sanctions also ban North Korean imports of luxury goods, which are used by the regime to buy loyalty from supporters. However, implementation has been sporadic, and Chinese compliance is crucial if sanctions are to effectively pressure the leadership. The international community should remind China of its obligation to enforce the luxury goods embargo.
Second, monitoring and deterrence should be strengthened to prevent a recurrence. South Korea is already taking steps in this direction, and the international community should lend its support.
The November 2009 sea clash was another indication that the [North] Korean People’s Army cannot compete with the South in the conventional realm. The bad news is that Pyongyang will rely more and more on the advantages it does have, including its WMD arsenal, to maintain security. This underscores the urgency to reconvening the Six-Party Talks, however slim the possibility of denuclearization.
Finally, the United States and South Korea should delay the termination of the Combined Forces Command (CFC) and the transfer of wartime operational control (OPCON) from the United Nations Command to the South Korean military, which is scheduled for April 2012. An unprovoked maritime attack, no progress on denuclearization, the complete absence of any confidence-building measures and succession looming in the North mean there is too much uncertainty to try restructuring the U.S.-South Korea alliance, which has proven to be a robust deterrent for almost 57 years.
Daniel A. Pinkston is North East Asia Deputy Project Director of the International Crisis Group.
Thursday, May 13, 2010
Lankan inmates at Chengalpet camp call off stir
By G Saravanan:
Chennai, May 12:
With the authorities giving the state government’s assurance on their imminent release, 10 Sri Lankan inmates lodged in Chengalpet special detention camp and who were in hunger strike since Monday, called off their stir by Wednesday at 5 PM.
The announcement of calling off the hunger strike by agitating inmates came after an assurance by Govindaraj, Q-Branch Inspector from Kanchipuram, who is the in-charge of the special detention camp.
According to sources, inspector Govindaraj has assured the striking inmates that about 10 members of the camp would be released by May 28. He also informed the striking inmates about the efforts taken by the state government on shifting them to live with their family members who reside in other open camps.
As a goodwill gesture, the authorities on Wednesday released Jayaraj, an inmate who was not part of the striking team, to join his family now living at Thiruvarur normal camp since 1990.
It may be noted that Express has carried a story on striking inmates on Tuesday in which it detailed about their sole demand for living with their family members.
Chennai, May 12:
With the authorities giving the state government’s assurance on their imminent release, 10 Sri Lankan inmates lodged in Chengalpet special detention camp and who were in hunger strike since Monday, called off their stir by Wednesday at 5 PM.
The announcement of calling off the hunger strike by agitating inmates came after an assurance by Govindaraj, Q-Branch Inspector from Kanchipuram, who is the in-charge of the special detention camp.
According to sources, inspector Govindaraj has assured the striking inmates that about 10 members of the camp would be released by May 28. He also informed the striking inmates about the efforts taken by the state government on shifting them to live with their family members who reside in other open camps.
As a goodwill gesture, the authorities on Wednesday released Jayaraj, an inmate who was not part of the striking team, to join his family now living at Thiruvarur normal camp since 1990.
It may be noted that Express has carried a story on striking inmates on Tuesday in which it detailed about their sole demand for living with their family members.
Wednesday, May 12, 2010
Hunger strike by Lankans in special camp
By G Saravanan
Published in The New Indian Express, Chennai, on May 11, 2010:
Their fast for freedom received support from an unexpected quarters - Williams, a citizen of Netherlands, who has been lodged in the camp in connection with an expired visa case.
According to sources, of the 17 inmates (including Williams), 10 were now on fast demanding the government to allow them to live with their family members in other Lankan refugees’ camps.
The protestors were identified as Sivarooban, Arun Gnanadasan, Ponibas, Edward Jayakumar, Saint James, Arulseelan, Krigan, Rahulan, Kannan and Vijayaneethan.
Of them, three inmates, Sivarooban, Arun Gnanadasan and Ponibas does not have any cases pending against them and others for their suspected links with the banned outfit LTTE, sources said.
It is learnt that the fast was in response to the State Government’s failure to keep its promise of shifting them from Chengalpattu special camp.
After allowing two of their colleagues to move to other camps on March 18, the camp authorities reportedly told the remaining (Lankan) inmates that they would also be allowed to go to other camps in a month.
Since the promise was not kept even after 50 days, 10 inmates had sent a detailed representation to the CM to consider their plea on allowing them to reunite with their family members living in other camps.
Meanwhile, a tahsildar visited the camp and assured the protestors of immediate response from the State. But the inmates were continuing their protest inside the camp, sources added.
Meanwhile, a tahsildar visited the camp and assured the protestors of immediate response from the State. But the inmates were continuing their protest inside the camp, sources added.
Tuesday, May 11, 2010
பெற்றோர் வயிற்றில் பால்
Dinamani Editorial on May 11, 2010:
தமிழ்நாட்டில் தனியார் பள்ளிகளில் பயிலும் மாணவர்களின் பெற்றோர் அனைவருக்கும் மகிழ்ச்சியானதாகவும், ஒரு விடியலைக் காட்டியதாகவும் அமைந்த செய்தி- இரு நாள்களுக்கு முன்பு, தனியார் பள்ளிகளில் கட்டணத்தை நிர்ணயித்து அரசு வெளியிட்ட அறிக்கைதான்.
அறிக்கையோடு நின்றுவிடாமல், தற்போது தமிழ்நாட்டின் பெரும்பாலான கல்வி மாவட்டங்களில் அந்தந்த முதன்மைக் கல்வி அலுவலர் மூலமாக ஒவ்வொரு பள்ளிக்கும் நிர்ணயிக்கப்பட்டுள்ள கட்டண விவரக் கடிதம் வழங்கப்பட்டு வருகிறது என்பது மேலும் மகிழ்ச்சியூட்டுவதாக இருக்கிறது.
கல்விக் கட்டணத்தை நிர்ணயம் செய்ய, நீதிபதி கே. கோவிந்தராஜன் தலைமையில் அமைக்கப்பட்ட கமிட்டி, இந்தக் கட்டணத்தை மிகவும் சரியாகவும், நியாயமாகவும் நிர்ணயித்துள்ளது என்பதில் எந்தவிதமான மாற்றுக் கருத்துக்கும் இடமில்லை. ஏனெனில், இந்தக் கட்டணங்கள் அனைத்தும் அறிவியல்பூர்வமாக, ஒவ்வொரு பள்ளிக்குமாகத் தீர்மானிக்கப்பட்டவை என்பதுதான் இதன் சிறப்பு.
ஒவ்வொரு பள்ளியும் கொண்டிருக்கும் இடத்தின் பரப்பளவு, கட்டடங்களின் அளவு, உள்கட்டமைப்பு வசதி, தளவாட வசதிகள், ஆய்வுக்கூடம், நூலகம், பணியாளர், ஆசிரியர்கள் எண்ணிக்கை ஆகியவற்றைக் குறித்து அந்தந்தப் பள்ளியிடமிருந்து தகவல் பெற்று அளிக்குமாறு, தமிழகத்தின் அனைத்து மாவட்டங்களிலும் உள்ள முதன்மை கல்வி அலுவலருக்கு ஒரு படிவத்தை இக்கமிட்டி வழங்கியது. இந்தப் படிவங்களை 10,934 பள்ளிகள் பூர்த்தி செய்து தந்தன. 701 பள்ளிகள் இப்படிவங்களை இதுவரை பூர்த்தி செய்து தரவே இல்லை.
இந்தக் கமிட்டி செய்த மிக நல்லதொரு செயல், இவர்கள் தந்த விவரங்களைக் கொண்டு, அப்பள்ளிக்கு ஓராண்டுக்கு எவ்வளவு செலவாகக்கூடும் என்று கணக்கிட்டு, அதில் பள்ளி நடத்தும் தாளாளருக்கும் இழப்பு இல்லாத வகையில் ஒரு விகிதாசார லாபத்தைச் சேர்த்து, அதை அந்தப் பள்ளியின் மாணவர் எண்ணிக்கைக்கு ஏற்ப கல்விக் கட்டணங்களை வகுத்து அளித்துள்ளனர்.
இந்த நடைமுறை செலவினக் கணக்கின் அடிப்படையில், அதிகபட்சமாக மேனிலைப் பள்ளியில் ரூ. 11,000, உயர்நிலைப் பள்ளிகளுக்கு ரூ. 9 ஆயிரம், நடுநிலைப் பள்ளிகளுக்கு ரூ. 8 ஆயிரம், தொடக்கப் பள்ளிகளுக்கு ரூ. 5 ஆயிரம், கிராமத் தொடக்கப்பள்ளிக்கு ரூ.3,500 எனக் கட்டணம் நிர்ணயிக்கப்பட்டு அறிவிக்கப்பட்டது. இதனால் பெற்றோர் அடைந்த மகிழ்ச்சிக்கு அளவே இல்லை என்று சொல்லலாம்.
ஆனால், நாம் எதிர்பார்த்ததைப் போலவே தனியார் பள்ளிகள் அரசின் இந்த ஆணையை எதிர்த்து உச்ச நீதிமன்றத்தில் தடையாணை பெறும் முயற்சியில் இறங்கிவிட்டன. இதற்காக அனைத்து தனியார் பள்ளிகளிடமும் சந்தா நிலுவை வசூல் படு வேகமாக நடந்து வருகிறது.
அரசின் கட்டணத்தை எதிர்க்கும் பள்ளி நிர்வாகிகள் சொல்லும் காரணம், இந்தக் கட்டணம் எங்களுக்குக் கட்டுப்படியாகாது என்பதுதான். இந்தப் பள்ளிகள் கொடுத்த வரவு, செலவு கணக்குகளின் அடிப்படையில்தான் இந்தக் கட்டணம் நிர்ணயிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. அப்படியெனில் அந்தப் பள்ளிகள் தவறான அல்லது பொய்யான தகவல்களைப் படிவங்களில் பூர்த்தி செய்து தந்தனவா? இவர்கள் பல்வேறு தலைப்புகளின் கீழ் வாங்கும், மறைவுவருவாய் குறித்து இக்கமிட்டியின் படிவத்தில் பூர்த்தி செய்து தர இயலவில்லை என்றுதானே பொருள்?
அரசு வெறுமனே கல்விக்கட்டணம் அறிவிக்கும்; நாம் வழக்கம்போல அதை பல வகையில் அதிகரித்துக் கொள்ளலாம் என்ற எண்ணத்துடன் தனியார் பள்ளிகள் இருந்தன. ஆனால், அரசு தற்போது அறிவித்துள்ள நிபந்தனைகளின்படி, எந்தெந்த தலைப்புகளின் கீழ் கட்டணம் வாங்கினாலும், மொத்தக் கட்டணம், மேனிலைப் பள்ளிக்கு ரூ. 11 ஆயிரத்தைத் தாண்டக்கூடாது என்பதுதான் இவர்களுக்குப் பெரும் இடையூறாக இருக்கிறது.
இதுநாள்வரை எல்கேஜி-க்கும்கூட கணினி கட்டணம், நூலகக் கட்டணம் வசூலித்த அக்கிரமங்களுக்கு முடிவு ஏற்பட்டுள்ளது. இந்தப் புதிய முறை, தனியார் பள்ளிக்கு மிகப் பெரும் கடிவாளமாக இருக்கிறது. ஆகவே இப்போது இதை எதிர்க்கிறார்கள். நீதிமன்றத்தில் தடையாணை பெற முயல்கிறார்கள்.
விடுதிக் கட்டணம், பள்ளிப் பேருந்துக் கட்டணம் ஆகியவற்றில் அரசு தலையிடாது என்று அறிவித்த போதிலும், இதனால் கிடைக்கும் வருவாய் சில பள்ளிகளுக்கு மட்டுமே கிடைக்கிறது. எல்லாத் தனியார் பள்ளிகளிலும் பேருந்துகள் இருந்தாலும், விடுதிகள் கிடையாது. எனவே அதிகம் சம்பாதிக்க வழி இல்லாததால் இந்த எதிர்ப்பை முன்வைத்துள்ளனர்.,
இந்தக் கட்டணம் கட்டுப்படியாகாது என்று இப்பள்ளிகள் கருதினால், தங்கள் பள்ளிகளை அரசுக்கு ஒப்பளித்துவிட்டு, ஒதுங்கிக்கொள்ள வேண்டும். அல்லது இவ்வாறு பணிய மறுத்து, தமிழ்ச் சமுதாயத்தில் கல்விச் சூதாட்டத்துக்கு முற்றுப்புள்ளி வைக்கத் தடையாக இருக்கும் இந்தக் கல்வி நிறுவனங்களை அரசே ஏற்க முன்வர வேண்டும்.
ஒவ்வொரு பள்ளிக்கும் தனித்தனியாக நிர்ணயிக்கப்பட்டுள்ள கல்விக் கட்டணங்கள் குறித்து www.pallikalvi.in என்ற முகவரியில் வெளியிடப்படும் என்று அரசு குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளது என்றாலும்கூட, ஒவ்வொரு தனியார் பள்ளியும் தங்களுக்கு நிர்ணயிக்கப்பட்டுள்ள கட்டண விவரத்தை பள்ளிக்கூட வாசலில் மக்கள் பார்வையில்படும்வகையில் வைக்க வேண்டும் என்று பள்ளிக் கல்வித் துறை உத்தரவிட வேண்டும். அதைக் கடுமையாக நடைமுறைப்படுத்தவும் வேண்டும். நீண்டகாலமாக இருந்த நடுத்தர மக்களின் மனக் குமுறலுக்கு துணிவுடன் முற்றுப்புள்ளி வைத்திருக்கும் தமிழக அரசை எவ்வளவு பாராட்டினாலும் தகும். எந்தவித நிர்பந்தங்களுக்கும் அடிபணியாமல் இந்தக் கல்வி கட்டண முறையை அரசு நடைமுறைப்படுத்த வேண்டும் என்பதும், தனியார் பள்ளிகள் நீதிமன்றத்தின் தடை உத்தரவைப் பெற்றுவிடாவண்ணம் அரசு முனைந்து செயல்பட வேண்டும் என்பதும் நமது வேண்டுகோள்.
தவறுக்குத் துணைபோகாமல் மக்கள் மன்றம் இந்தப் பிரச்னையில் அரசுக்கு ஆதரவாகத் துணை நிற்பது அவசியம்.
Source: http://www.dinamani.com/edition/story.aspx?&SectionName=Editorial&artid=239987&SectionID=132&MainSectionID=132&SEO=&Title=
தமிழ்நாட்டில் தனியார் பள்ளிகளில் பயிலும் மாணவர்களின் பெற்றோர் அனைவருக்கும் மகிழ்ச்சியானதாகவும், ஒரு விடியலைக் காட்டியதாகவும் அமைந்த செய்தி- இரு நாள்களுக்கு முன்பு, தனியார் பள்ளிகளில் கட்டணத்தை நிர்ணயித்து அரசு வெளியிட்ட அறிக்கைதான்.
அறிக்கையோடு நின்றுவிடாமல், தற்போது தமிழ்நாட்டின் பெரும்பாலான கல்வி மாவட்டங்களில் அந்தந்த முதன்மைக் கல்வி அலுவலர் மூலமாக ஒவ்வொரு பள்ளிக்கும் நிர்ணயிக்கப்பட்டுள்ள கட்டண விவரக் கடிதம் வழங்கப்பட்டு வருகிறது என்பது மேலும் மகிழ்ச்சியூட்டுவதாக இருக்கிறது.
கல்விக் கட்டணத்தை நிர்ணயம் செய்ய, நீதிபதி கே. கோவிந்தராஜன் தலைமையில் அமைக்கப்பட்ட கமிட்டி, இந்தக் கட்டணத்தை மிகவும் சரியாகவும், நியாயமாகவும் நிர்ணயித்துள்ளது என்பதில் எந்தவிதமான மாற்றுக் கருத்துக்கும் இடமில்லை. ஏனெனில், இந்தக் கட்டணங்கள் அனைத்தும் அறிவியல்பூர்வமாக, ஒவ்வொரு பள்ளிக்குமாகத் தீர்மானிக்கப்பட்டவை என்பதுதான் இதன் சிறப்பு.
ஒவ்வொரு பள்ளியும் கொண்டிருக்கும் இடத்தின் பரப்பளவு, கட்டடங்களின் அளவு, உள்கட்டமைப்பு வசதி, தளவாட வசதிகள், ஆய்வுக்கூடம், நூலகம், பணியாளர், ஆசிரியர்கள் எண்ணிக்கை ஆகியவற்றைக் குறித்து அந்தந்தப் பள்ளியிடமிருந்து தகவல் பெற்று அளிக்குமாறு, தமிழகத்தின் அனைத்து மாவட்டங்களிலும் உள்ள முதன்மை கல்வி அலுவலருக்கு ஒரு படிவத்தை இக்கமிட்டி வழங்கியது. இந்தப் படிவங்களை 10,934 பள்ளிகள் பூர்த்தி செய்து தந்தன. 701 பள்ளிகள் இப்படிவங்களை இதுவரை பூர்த்தி செய்து தரவே இல்லை.
இந்தக் கமிட்டி செய்த மிக நல்லதொரு செயல், இவர்கள் தந்த விவரங்களைக் கொண்டு, அப்பள்ளிக்கு ஓராண்டுக்கு எவ்வளவு செலவாகக்கூடும் என்று கணக்கிட்டு, அதில் பள்ளி நடத்தும் தாளாளருக்கும் இழப்பு இல்லாத வகையில் ஒரு விகிதாசார லாபத்தைச் சேர்த்து, அதை அந்தப் பள்ளியின் மாணவர் எண்ணிக்கைக்கு ஏற்ப கல்விக் கட்டணங்களை வகுத்து அளித்துள்ளனர்.
இந்த நடைமுறை செலவினக் கணக்கின் அடிப்படையில், அதிகபட்சமாக மேனிலைப் பள்ளியில் ரூ. 11,000, உயர்நிலைப் பள்ளிகளுக்கு ரூ. 9 ஆயிரம், நடுநிலைப் பள்ளிகளுக்கு ரூ. 8 ஆயிரம், தொடக்கப் பள்ளிகளுக்கு ரூ. 5 ஆயிரம், கிராமத் தொடக்கப்பள்ளிக்கு ரூ.3,500 எனக் கட்டணம் நிர்ணயிக்கப்பட்டு அறிவிக்கப்பட்டது. இதனால் பெற்றோர் அடைந்த மகிழ்ச்சிக்கு அளவே இல்லை என்று சொல்லலாம்.
ஆனால், நாம் எதிர்பார்த்ததைப் போலவே தனியார் பள்ளிகள் அரசின் இந்த ஆணையை எதிர்த்து உச்ச நீதிமன்றத்தில் தடையாணை பெறும் முயற்சியில் இறங்கிவிட்டன. இதற்காக அனைத்து தனியார் பள்ளிகளிடமும் சந்தா நிலுவை வசூல் படு வேகமாக நடந்து வருகிறது.
அரசின் கட்டணத்தை எதிர்க்கும் பள்ளி நிர்வாகிகள் சொல்லும் காரணம், இந்தக் கட்டணம் எங்களுக்குக் கட்டுப்படியாகாது என்பதுதான். இந்தப் பள்ளிகள் கொடுத்த வரவு, செலவு கணக்குகளின் அடிப்படையில்தான் இந்தக் கட்டணம் நிர்ணயிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. அப்படியெனில் அந்தப் பள்ளிகள் தவறான அல்லது பொய்யான தகவல்களைப் படிவங்களில் பூர்த்தி செய்து தந்தனவா? இவர்கள் பல்வேறு தலைப்புகளின் கீழ் வாங்கும், மறைவுவருவாய் குறித்து இக்கமிட்டியின் படிவத்தில் பூர்த்தி செய்து தர இயலவில்லை என்றுதானே பொருள்?
அரசு வெறுமனே கல்விக்கட்டணம் அறிவிக்கும்; நாம் வழக்கம்போல அதை பல வகையில் அதிகரித்துக் கொள்ளலாம் என்ற எண்ணத்துடன் தனியார் பள்ளிகள் இருந்தன. ஆனால், அரசு தற்போது அறிவித்துள்ள நிபந்தனைகளின்படி, எந்தெந்த தலைப்புகளின் கீழ் கட்டணம் வாங்கினாலும், மொத்தக் கட்டணம், மேனிலைப் பள்ளிக்கு ரூ. 11 ஆயிரத்தைத் தாண்டக்கூடாது என்பதுதான் இவர்களுக்குப் பெரும் இடையூறாக இருக்கிறது.
இதுநாள்வரை எல்கேஜி-க்கும்கூட கணினி கட்டணம், நூலகக் கட்டணம் வசூலித்த அக்கிரமங்களுக்கு முடிவு ஏற்பட்டுள்ளது. இந்தப் புதிய முறை, தனியார் பள்ளிக்கு மிகப் பெரும் கடிவாளமாக இருக்கிறது. ஆகவே இப்போது இதை எதிர்க்கிறார்கள். நீதிமன்றத்தில் தடையாணை பெற முயல்கிறார்கள்.
விடுதிக் கட்டணம், பள்ளிப் பேருந்துக் கட்டணம் ஆகியவற்றில் அரசு தலையிடாது என்று அறிவித்த போதிலும், இதனால் கிடைக்கும் வருவாய் சில பள்ளிகளுக்கு மட்டுமே கிடைக்கிறது. எல்லாத் தனியார் பள்ளிகளிலும் பேருந்துகள் இருந்தாலும், விடுதிகள் கிடையாது. எனவே அதிகம் சம்பாதிக்க வழி இல்லாததால் இந்த எதிர்ப்பை முன்வைத்துள்ளனர்.,
இந்தக் கட்டணம் கட்டுப்படியாகாது என்று இப்பள்ளிகள் கருதினால், தங்கள் பள்ளிகளை அரசுக்கு ஒப்பளித்துவிட்டு, ஒதுங்கிக்கொள்ள வேண்டும். அல்லது இவ்வாறு பணிய மறுத்து, தமிழ்ச் சமுதாயத்தில் கல்விச் சூதாட்டத்துக்கு முற்றுப்புள்ளி வைக்கத் தடையாக இருக்கும் இந்தக் கல்வி நிறுவனங்களை அரசே ஏற்க முன்வர வேண்டும்.
ஒவ்வொரு பள்ளிக்கும் தனித்தனியாக நிர்ணயிக்கப்பட்டுள்ள கல்விக் கட்டணங்கள் குறித்து www.pallikalvi.in என்ற முகவரியில் வெளியிடப்படும் என்று அரசு குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளது என்றாலும்கூட, ஒவ்வொரு தனியார் பள்ளியும் தங்களுக்கு நிர்ணயிக்கப்பட்டுள்ள கட்டண விவரத்தை பள்ளிக்கூட வாசலில் மக்கள் பார்வையில்படும்வகையில் வைக்க வேண்டும் என்று பள்ளிக் கல்வித் துறை உத்தரவிட வேண்டும். அதைக் கடுமையாக நடைமுறைப்படுத்தவும் வேண்டும். நீண்டகாலமாக இருந்த நடுத்தர மக்களின் மனக் குமுறலுக்கு துணிவுடன் முற்றுப்புள்ளி வைத்திருக்கும் தமிழக அரசை எவ்வளவு பாராட்டினாலும் தகும். எந்தவித நிர்பந்தங்களுக்கும் அடிபணியாமல் இந்தக் கல்வி கட்டண முறையை அரசு நடைமுறைப்படுத்த வேண்டும் என்பதும், தனியார் பள்ளிகள் நீதிமன்றத்தின் தடை உத்தரவைப் பெற்றுவிடாவண்ணம் அரசு முனைந்து செயல்பட வேண்டும் என்பதும் நமது வேண்டுகோள்.
தவறுக்குத் துணைபோகாமல் மக்கள் மன்றம் இந்தப் பிரச்னையில் அரசுக்கு ஆதரவாகத் துணை நிற்பது அவசியம்.
Source: http://www.dinamani.com/edition/story.aspx?&SectionName=Editorial&artid=239987&SectionID=132&MainSectionID=132&SEO=&Title=
National Population Survey – Census 2010: National pride, or shame?
By S Gurumurthy
Published in The New Indian Express (6 May 2010)
An important event”, says the Union home minister P Chidambaram referring to the proposed National Population Register (NPR). Claiming it is the biggest exercise since humankind came into existence, he said proudly “nowhere in the world has a government tried to count, identify and issue identity cards to more than a billion people”.
He is right. But, while the NPR is undoubtedly a huge and proud arithmetical undertaking, if what it conceals is revealed, it may end as a national shame, a grave security risk, why even an anti-national undertaking.
On the face of it, NPR seems a normal, even welcome idea. After all, a nation must have a population register to know the micro details of its people. The NPR will be a population register, not a citizenship register. National population is just a head count of all, nationals and others, residing in India.
Now, the issue: Particularly in eastern India, the massive infiltration of Bangladeshis has emerged as our greatest security risk, according to experts. The then defence minister George Fernandes fixed the number of Bangladeshis illegally residing in India in 2003 at some two crore.
The infiltration has hugely distorted the religious demography of many areas in Assam, West Bengal, Bihar, Mizoram, Nagaland, Manipur, and even in far off Mumbai and Delhi. Most border districts of Assam and West Bengal have turned Muslim majority or nearly so, in less than two decades.
The illegal Bangladeshis in India almost equal the population of Australia or Sri Lanka. The individual population of 167 countries is less than the number of Bangladeshis in India! The Bangladeshi population in India is more than the total population of some 100 countries taken together! With globally linked Islamic terrorism having roots in Bangladesh on the rise, it needs no seer to say it is a grave national danger to India.
A study on Bangladeshis in India by Sujata Ramachandran (Department of Geography, Queen’s University, Ontario, Canada) for the Global Commission on International Migration sees the issue from a totally different perspective.
Challenging the stereotype view of it as a case of ‘asylum seekers’ and ‘illegal migrants’ by international migration researchers, Sujata asserts that the Bangladeshi infiltration was ‘migration industry’ at work. She says, “it involves a well-organised network of dalals in Bangladesh and India — ‘manpower’ agencies, recruiters, touts, brokers, ‘travel’ agents, and their employees or contacts in many Bangladeshi villages.
Dalals find, or pretend to find, employment for migrants and facilitate movement into and through India for substantial sums of money. In recent times, they also provide potential migrants with official Indian documents like passports and ration cards to minimise the risks of detention. Therefore, it is not surprising that many marginal Bangladeshi families end up in different parts of this country.”
The touts actually cheat the poor Bangladeshi Muslims. Sujata points out that some ‘three lakh Bangladeshi women are in brothels’. Yet viewing the two crore Bangladeshis out of the country as good riddance, the Bangladesh government claims, ‘not a single Bangladeshi immigrant is in India’.
Given the cultural, linguistic and other links between Bengalis on this side and Bangladeshis on the other, the Bangladeshis have just dissipated into India. It is almost impossible to distinguish between illegal Bangladeshis and local Bengalis.
Thanks to obliging politicians, corrupt officials the infiltrators also get all proofs needed to say they are residents here, Sujata notes. In the late 1970s, the Assam students revolted against this demographic invasion. They were ultimately cheated into a settlement by the Indira Gandhi government, which passed the Illegal Migrants (Detection by Tribunal) Act (IMDT Act) in the year 1983. That made it worse.
Under the IMDT Act, the onus of proving that a person was a Bangladeshi was shifted on to the police, while under the previous Foreigners Act, the onus was on the Bangladeshi to prove that he was an Indian. In 2005, that is, after 22 years, the Supreme Court stuck down the horrific IMDT Act as promoting, not curbing, infiltration.
Yet, the UPA-I regime has re-enacted the IMDT Act as a sub-rule under the Foreigners Act. Between January 2001 and September 2006, the Assam government spent Rs 170 crore to identify 9,149 Bangladeshis, but deport only 1,864 to Bangladesh — that is, it took six years to deport 1,864 Bangladeshis, at Rs 1,80,000 per head! At that rate, it will take 64,278 years and cost Rs 36 lakh crore to deport the two crore Bangladeshis!
See now how the NPR ‘solves’ this issue in just 45 days, from April 1 to May 15, 2010, at a cost of just Rs 3,590 crore! The details collected from all residents in India will include their ‘nationality’ ‘as declared’ by them (as per Query No 11 of the NPR enumeration form). Will a Bangladeshi illegally residing in India declare himself/herself as of American or British citizen? Obviously not.
The result, the NPR will list the two crore infiltrators as nationals of India based on their own declaration. And more. After the NPR is built, the infiltrators will get identity cards with Unique Identification Number (UID) from the Unique Identification Authority of India, like you and me.
See what other countries do to those who cross their borders illegally.
North Korea sends them to 12 years’ hard labour; Iran detains them indefinitely; in Afghanistan, they are shot; in Saudi Arabia, they are jailed; in China they may never be seen again; Canada jails them for three years and France, for five years; Venezuela brands them as spies and seals their fate; Mexico and Cuba too jail them.
Compare that with what India does to the two crore Bangladeshis who have stealthily crossed into India. It gives them ration cards, subsidised food, passports, driving licences, credit cards, voter identity cards, Haj subsidies, reserved jobs as part of quota for Muslims, and now citizenship and in addition, the Unique Identity Card. After this, statistically, there will be no Bangladeshis in India. This will open the floodgates for millions of Bangladeshis to enter India. But no worry, the NPR in 2021 will list them too as citizens by claim.
Sujata has rightly used the sub-title ‘Indifference, Impotence and Intolerance’ in her work referring to India’s approach to the issue. The word to note is ‘impotence’. This aptly captures the UPA government’s acquiescence through the NPR to turn the Bangladeshi infiltrators into Indians. What a grave risk to the future of India and its security? Is anyone listening?
Published in The New Indian Express (6 May 2010)
An important event”, says the Union home minister P Chidambaram referring to the proposed National Population Register (NPR). Claiming it is the biggest exercise since humankind came into existence, he said proudly “nowhere in the world has a government tried to count, identify and issue identity cards to more than a billion people”.
He is right. But, while the NPR is undoubtedly a huge and proud arithmetical undertaking, if what it conceals is revealed, it may end as a national shame, a grave security risk, why even an anti-national undertaking.
On the face of it, NPR seems a normal, even welcome idea. After all, a nation must have a population register to know the micro details of its people. The NPR will be a population register, not a citizenship register. National population is just a head count of all, nationals and others, residing in India.
Now, the issue: Particularly in eastern India, the massive infiltration of Bangladeshis has emerged as our greatest security risk, according to experts. The then defence minister George Fernandes fixed the number of Bangladeshis illegally residing in India in 2003 at some two crore.
The infiltration has hugely distorted the religious demography of many areas in Assam, West Bengal, Bihar, Mizoram, Nagaland, Manipur, and even in far off Mumbai and Delhi. Most border districts of Assam and West Bengal have turned Muslim majority or nearly so, in less than two decades.
The illegal Bangladeshis in India almost equal the population of Australia or Sri Lanka. The individual population of 167 countries is less than the number of Bangladeshis in India! The Bangladeshi population in India is more than the total population of some 100 countries taken together! With globally linked Islamic terrorism having roots in Bangladesh on the rise, it needs no seer to say it is a grave national danger to India.
A study on Bangladeshis in India by Sujata Ramachandran (Department of Geography, Queen’s University, Ontario, Canada) for the Global Commission on International Migration sees the issue from a totally different perspective.
Challenging the stereotype view of it as a case of ‘asylum seekers’ and ‘illegal migrants’ by international migration researchers, Sujata asserts that the Bangladeshi infiltration was ‘migration industry’ at work. She says, “it involves a well-organised network of dalals in Bangladesh and India — ‘manpower’ agencies, recruiters, touts, brokers, ‘travel’ agents, and their employees or contacts in many Bangladeshi villages.
Dalals find, or pretend to find, employment for migrants and facilitate movement into and through India for substantial sums of money. In recent times, they also provide potential migrants with official Indian documents like passports and ration cards to minimise the risks of detention. Therefore, it is not surprising that many marginal Bangladeshi families end up in different parts of this country.”
The touts actually cheat the poor Bangladeshi Muslims. Sujata points out that some ‘three lakh Bangladeshi women are in brothels’. Yet viewing the two crore Bangladeshis out of the country as good riddance, the Bangladesh government claims, ‘not a single Bangladeshi immigrant is in India’.
Given the cultural, linguistic and other links between Bengalis on this side and Bangladeshis on the other, the Bangladeshis have just dissipated into India. It is almost impossible to distinguish between illegal Bangladeshis and local Bengalis.
Thanks to obliging politicians, corrupt officials the infiltrators also get all proofs needed to say they are residents here, Sujata notes. In the late 1970s, the Assam students revolted against this demographic invasion. They were ultimately cheated into a settlement by the Indira Gandhi government, which passed the Illegal Migrants (Detection by Tribunal) Act (IMDT Act) in the year 1983. That made it worse.
Under the IMDT Act, the onus of proving that a person was a Bangladeshi was shifted on to the police, while under the previous Foreigners Act, the onus was on the Bangladeshi to prove that he was an Indian. In 2005, that is, after 22 years, the Supreme Court stuck down the horrific IMDT Act as promoting, not curbing, infiltration.
Yet, the UPA-I regime has re-enacted the IMDT Act as a sub-rule under the Foreigners Act. Between January 2001 and September 2006, the Assam government spent Rs 170 crore to identify 9,149 Bangladeshis, but deport only 1,864 to Bangladesh — that is, it took six years to deport 1,864 Bangladeshis, at Rs 1,80,000 per head! At that rate, it will take 64,278 years and cost Rs 36 lakh crore to deport the two crore Bangladeshis!
See now how the NPR ‘solves’ this issue in just 45 days, from April 1 to May 15, 2010, at a cost of just Rs 3,590 crore! The details collected from all residents in India will include their ‘nationality’ ‘as declared’ by them (as per Query No 11 of the NPR enumeration form). Will a Bangladeshi illegally residing in India declare himself/herself as of American or British citizen? Obviously not.
The result, the NPR will list the two crore infiltrators as nationals of India based on their own declaration. And more. After the NPR is built, the infiltrators will get identity cards with Unique Identification Number (UID) from the Unique Identification Authority of India, like you and me.
See what other countries do to those who cross their borders illegally.
North Korea sends them to 12 years’ hard labour; Iran detains them indefinitely; in Afghanistan, they are shot; in Saudi Arabia, they are jailed; in China they may never be seen again; Canada jails them for three years and France, for five years; Venezuela brands them as spies and seals their fate; Mexico and Cuba too jail them.
Compare that with what India does to the two crore Bangladeshis who have stealthily crossed into India. It gives them ration cards, subsidised food, passports, driving licences, credit cards, voter identity cards, Haj subsidies, reserved jobs as part of quota for Muslims, and now citizenship and in addition, the Unique Identity Card. After this, statistically, there will be no Bangladeshis in India. This will open the floodgates for millions of Bangladeshis to enter India. But no worry, the NPR in 2021 will list them too as citizens by claim.
Sujata has rightly used the sub-title ‘Indifference, Impotence and Intolerance’ in her work referring to India’s approach to the issue. The word to note is ‘impotence’. This aptly captures the UPA government’s acquiescence through the NPR to turn the Bangladeshi infiltrators into Indians. What a grave risk to the future of India and its security? Is anyone listening?
Monday, May 10, 2010
பிரபாகரனின் தாயார் பார்வதியம்மாள் சிகிச்சை பெற மத்திய அரசு அனுமதி
Source: http://www.alaikal.com/news/?p=37916
விடுதலைப்புலிகள் இயக்கத் தலைவர் பிரபாகரனின் தாயார் பார்வதியம்மாள் தமிழகத்தில் மருத்துவ சிகிச்சை பெற மத்திய அரசு அனுமதி அளித்துள்ளதாக முதலமைச்சர் கருணாநிதி சட்டப்பேரவையில் தெரிவித்தார்.
சட்டப்பேரவையில் இது குறித்து சட்டமன்ற விதி 110ன் கீழ் முதலமைச்சர் கருணாநிதி அறிக்கை ஒன்றை அளித்தார். அதில், கடந்த ஏப்ரல் மாதம் 16ஆம் தேதி இரவு, பிரபாகரனின் தாயார் பார்வதி அம்மாள் மலேசியாவிலிருந்து சென்னைக்குச் சிகிச்சைக்காக வந்த போது, அவர்கள் சென்னை விமான நிலையத்தில் குடியுரிமை அதிகாரிகளால் திருப்பி அனுப்பப்பட்டதாக 17.04.2010 அன்று ஊடகங்களில் செய்தி வெளியானது. அதுபற்றி, சட்டமன்றப் பேரவையின் கூட்டத்தில் கடந்த 19.04.2010ம் நாளன்று விவாதிக்கப்பட்டது.
நான் அதற்கு பதில் கூறிய போது, பார்வதி அம்மாள் தமிழகத்திற்கு வருவது பற்றி, அவர்களிடமிருந்தோ அவர்களுக்குத் துணைபுரிய விரும்புபவர்களுடமிருந்தோ தமிழக அரசுக்கு எந்தவிதமான கடிதமோ, தகவலோ வரவே இல்லை என்றும், மத்திய அரசுக்கும் பார்வதி அம்மாளுக்கும் இடையே தான் இந்த பயணம் பற்றிய செய்தித் தொடர்பு இருந்திருக்கிறதே தவிர, தமிழக அரசுக்கு இதில் எந்தவிதமான சம்பந்தமும் கிடையாது என்றும், அதன் காரணமாக அவர்கள் திருப்பி அனுப்பப்பட்டு விட்டார்கள் என்றும், அப்படித் திருப்பி அனுப்பப்பட்டவர்கள் கோலாலம்பூருக்கே திரும்பச் சென்று வைத்திய வசதி பெறுவதாகப் பத்திரிகைகளில் செய்தி வந்திருக்கிறது என்றும், அவர்கள் மீண்டும் தமிழகத்தில்தான் வைத்திய வசதி செய்து கொள்ள விரும்புகிறேன் என்று அறிவிப்பார்களேயானால், அதைப் பரிசீலனை செய்து மத்திய அரசுக்கு எழுத மாநில அரசு தயாராக இருக்கிறது என்றும் தெரிவித்தேன்.
30.04.2010 அன்று மின் அஞ்சல் மூலமாகப் பெறப்பட்டுள்ள, பார்வதி அம்மாளின் பெருவிரல் ரேகை பதித்த கடிதத்தில், தனது சிகிச்சைக்காக கோலாம்பூரிலிருந்து திருச்சிக்கு விமானத்தில் வர மலேசியாவில் உள்ள இந்தியத் தூதரகம் மூலமாக ஏற்பாடு செய்து தரும்படி எனக்கொரு கோரிக்கை வந்தது.
எனவே நான் ஏற்கனவே சட்டமன்றப் பேரவையில் அறிவித்ததிற்கிணங்க, பார்வதி அம்மாள் கேட்டுக் கொண்டபடி, மருத்துவச் சிகிச்சைக்குத் தமிழ்நாட்டிற்கு வந்து மருத்துவமனையிலே சிகிச்சை பெறுவதை சில நிபந்தனைகளுக்கு உட்பட்டு மத்திய அரசு ஆராய்ந்து அனுமதியளிக்கலாம் என்று பரிந்துரைக் கடிதம் மத்திய உள்துறைச் செயலாளருக்கு தமிழக அரசால் 01.05.2010 அன்று அனுப்பி வைக்கப்பட்டது.
இந்த விவரங்களை தமிழகச் சட்டப் பேரவையில், துணை முதலமைச்சர் மு.க.ஸ்டாலின் 03.05.2010 அன்று தெரிவித்தார். 3, 4 தேதிகளில் டெல்லியில் நான் பிரதமரிடமும், சோனியா காந்தியிடமும், மத்திய உள்துறை அமைச்சர் ப.சிதம்பரத்திடமும் இந்த பிரச்சனை குறித்து தெரிவித்து அவர்களின் உதவியை நாடினேன்.
அதன் தொடர்ச்சியாக நமது சார்பில் அன்றாடம் மத்திய அரசின் அதிகாரிகளோடு தொடர்பு கொண்டு விரைவிலே ஒரு நல்ல பதில் கிடைப்பதற்கான முயற்சியிலும் ஈடுபட்டோம். மத்திய அரசு 07.05.2010 தேதியிட்டு மலேசியா, கோலாலம்பூரிலே உள்ள இந்தியத் தூதுவர்களுக்கு கடிதமும், நமக்கு நகலும் அனுப்பியுள்ள கடிதம் ஒன்று நேற்றையதினம் வந்துள்ளது.
அந்த கடிதத்தில் மனிதாபிமான அடிப்படையில் பார்வதி அம்மாளை சில நிபந்தனைகளின் பேரில் தமிழகத்திற்கு வர அனுமதிக்கலாம் என்று எழுதியிருக்கிறார்கள். நிபந்தனைகளாக, பார்வதி அம்மாளின் தமிழக வருகை மருத்துவ சிகிச்சைக்காக மட்டுமே இருக்க வேண்டும்; அவர் மருத்துவமனையிலேதான் தங்க வேண்டும் தவிர, வேறெங்கும் தங்கக் கூடாது.
அரசு மருத்துவமனையிலே அவர் சிகிச்சை பெற விரும்பினால், தமிழக அரசு அதற்குத் தேவையான உதவிகளையெல்லாம் செய்திட வேண்டும்; அவர் எந்த அரசியல் கட்சியினரோடோ, குறிப்பாக தடை செய்யப்பட்ட இயக்கங்களோடு பங்கு வைத்திருப்பவர்களோடு, எந்தத் தொடர்பும் வைத்துக் கொள்ளக்கூடாது; பெயர் குறிப்பிடப்பட்ட அவருடைய உறவினர்களோடு மட்டுமே தொடர்பு வைத்துக் கொள்ளலாம் என்று அந்தக் கடித்தில் எழுதப்பட்டுள்ளது.
மலேசியாவிலுள்ள இந்தியத் தூதரகம் பார்வதி அம்மாளோடு தொடர்பு கொண்டு ஆறு மாத காலத்திற்கு விசா வழங்கலாம் என்றும், சென்னை உயர் நீதிமன்றத்தில் நிலுவையில் உள்ள வழக்குக்கு எந்தவிதமான குந்தகமும் இல்லாமல் இந்த ஆணை மத்திய அரசினால் பிறப்பிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.
சாதாரணமாக இதுபோன்ற நிகழ்வுகளில் முடிவு எடுப்பதற்கு சில காலம் பிடிக்கும் என்றாலும், பார்வதி அம்மாளின் உடல் நிலை கருதி, மத்திய, மாநில அரசுகள் மேற்கொண்ட முயற்சிகளின் காரணமாக இந்த நடவடிக்கைகள் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டுள்ளன. இதற்கு மேல் மலேசியாவில் உள்ள அந்த பார்வதி அம்மாளின் முடிவுக்கிணங்க தொடர்ந்து நடவடிக்கை மேற்கொள்ளப்படும் என்பதை இந்த அவைக்கும் நாட்டிற்கும் நான் தெரிவித்துக் கொள்கிறேன் என்று கருணாநிதி கூறினார்.
விடுதலைப்புலிகள் இயக்கத் தலைவர் பிரபாகரனின் தாயார் பார்வதியம்மாள் தமிழகத்தில் மருத்துவ சிகிச்சை பெற மத்திய அரசு அனுமதி அளித்துள்ளதாக முதலமைச்சர் கருணாநிதி சட்டப்பேரவையில் தெரிவித்தார்.
சட்டப்பேரவையில் இது குறித்து சட்டமன்ற விதி 110ன் கீழ் முதலமைச்சர் கருணாநிதி அறிக்கை ஒன்றை அளித்தார். அதில், கடந்த ஏப்ரல் மாதம் 16ஆம் தேதி இரவு, பிரபாகரனின் தாயார் பார்வதி அம்மாள் மலேசியாவிலிருந்து சென்னைக்குச் சிகிச்சைக்காக வந்த போது, அவர்கள் சென்னை விமான நிலையத்தில் குடியுரிமை அதிகாரிகளால் திருப்பி அனுப்பப்பட்டதாக 17.04.2010 அன்று ஊடகங்களில் செய்தி வெளியானது. அதுபற்றி, சட்டமன்றப் பேரவையின் கூட்டத்தில் கடந்த 19.04.2010ம் நாளன்று விவாதிக்கப்பட்டது.
நான் அதற்கு பதில் கூறிய போது, பார்வதி அம்மாள் தமிழகத்திற்கு வருவது பற்றி, அவர்களிடமிருந்தோ அவர்களுக்குத் துணைபுரிய விரும்புபவர்களுடமிருந்தோ தமிழக அரசுக்கு எந்தவிதமான கடிதமோ, தகவலோ வரவே இல்லை என்றும், மத்திய அரசுக்கும் பார்வதி அம்மாளுக்கும் இடையே தான் இந்த பயணம் பற்றிய செய்தித் தொடர்பு இருந்திருக்கிறதே தவிர, தமிழக அரசுக்கு இதில் எந்தவிதமான சம்பந்தமும் கிடையாது என்றும், அதன் காரணமாக அவர்கள் திருப்பி அனுப்பப்பட்டு விட்டார்கள் என்றும், அப்படித் திருப்பி அனுப்பப்பட்டவர்கள் கோலாலம்பூருக்கே திரும்பச் சென்று வைத்திய வசதி பெறுவதாகப் பத்திரிகைகளில் செய்தி வந்திருக்கிறது என்றும், அவர்கள் மீண்டும் தமிழகத்தில்தான் வைத்திய வசதி செய்து கொள்ள விரும்புகிறேன் என்று அறிவிப்பார்களேயானால், அதைப் பரிசீலனை செய்து மத்திய அரசுக்கு எழுத மாநில அரசு தயாராக இருக்கிறது என்றும் தெரிவித்தேன்.
30.04.2010 அன்று மின் அஞ்சல் மூலமாகப் பெறப்பட்டுள்ள, பார்வதி அம்மாளின் பெருவிரல் ரேகை பதித்த கடிதத்தில், தனது சிகிச்சைக்காக கோலாம்பூரிலிருந்து திருச்சிக்கு விமானத்தில் வர மலேசியாவில் உள்ள இந்தியத் தூதரகம் மூலமாக ஏற்பாடு செய்து தரும்படி எனக்கொரு கோரிக்கை வந்தது.
எனவே நான் ஏற்கனவே சட்டமன்றப் பேரவையில் அறிவித்ததிற்கிணங்க, பார்வதி அம்மாள் கேட்டுக் கொண்டபடி, மருத்துவச் சிகிச்சைக்குத் தமிழ்நாட்டிற்கு வந்து மருத்துவமனையிலே சிகிச்சை பெறுவதை சில நிபந்தனைகளுக்கு உட்பட்டு மத்திய அரசு ஆராய்ந்து அனுமதியளிக்கலாம் என்று பரிந்துரைக் கடிதம் மத்திய உள்துறைச் செயலாளருக்கு தமிழக அரசால் 01.05.2010 அன்று அனுப்பி வைக்கப்பட்டது.
இந்த விவரங்களை தமிழகச் சட்டப் பேரவையில், துணை முதலமைச்சர் மு.க.ஸ்டாலின் 03.05.2010 அன்று தெரிவித்தார். 3, 4 தேதிகளில் டெல்லியில் நான் பிரதமரிடமும், சோனியா காந்தியிடமும், மத்திய உள்துறை அமைச்சர் ப.சிதம்பரத்திடமும் இந்த பிரச்சனை குறித்து தெரிவித்து அவர்களின் உதவியை நாடினேன்.
அதன் தொடர்ச்சியாக நமது சார்பில் அன்றாடம் மத்திய அரசின் அதிகாரிகளோடு தொடர்பு கொண்டு விரைவிலே ஒரு நல்ல பதில் கிடைப்பதற்கான முயற்சியிலும் ஈடுபட்டோம். மத்திய அரசு 07.05.2010 தேதியிட்டு மலேசியா, கோலாலம்பூரிலே உள்ள இந்தியத் தூதுவர்களுக்கு கடிதமும், நமக்கு நகலும் அனுப்பியுள்ள கடிதம் ஒன்று நேற்றையதினம் வந்துள்ளது.
அந்த கடிதத்தில் மனிதாபிமான அடிப்படையில் பார்வதி அம்மாளை சில நிபந்தனைகளின் பேரில் தமிழகத்திற்கு வர அனுமதிக்கலாம் என்று எழுதியிருக்கிறார்கள். நிபந்தனைகளாக, பார்வதி அம்மாளின் தமிழக வருகை மருத்துவ சிகிச்சைக்காக மட்டுமே இருக்க வேண்டும்; அவர் மருத்துவமனையிலேதான் தங்க வேண்டும் தவிர, வேறெங்கும் தங்கக் கூடாது.
அரசு மருத்துவமனையிலே அவர் சிகிச்சை பெற விரும்பினால், தமிழக அரசு அதற்குத் தேவையான உதவிகளையெல்லாம் செய்திட வேண்டும்; அவர் எந்த அரசியல் கட்சியினரோடோ, குறிப்பாக தடை செய்யப்பட்ட இயக்கங்களோடு பங்கு வைத்திருப்பவர்களோடு, எந்தத் தொடர்பும் வைத்துக் கொள்ளக்கூடாது; பெயர் குறிப்பிடப்பட்ட அவருடைய உறவினர்களோடு மட்டுமே தொடர்பு வைத்துக் கொள்ளலாம் என்று அந்தக் கடித்தில் எழுதப்பட்டுள்ளது.
மலேசியாவிலுள்ள இந்தியத் தூதரகம் பார்வதி அம்மாளோடு தொடர்பு கொண்டு ஆறு மாத காலத்திற்கு விசா வழங்கலாம் என்றும், சென்னை உயர் நீதிமன்றத்தில் நிலுவையில் உள்ள வழக்குக்கு எந்தவிதமான குந்தகமும் இல்லாமல் இந்த ஆணை மத்திய அரசினால் பிறப்பிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.
சாதாரணமாக இதுபோன்ற நிகழ்வுகளில் முடிவு எடுப்பதற்கு சில காலம் பிடிக்கும் என்றாலும், பார்வதி அம்மாளின் உடல் நிலை கருதி, மத்திய, மாநில அரசுகள் மேற்கொண்ட முயற்சிகளின் காரணமாக இந்த நடவடிக்கைகள் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டுள்ளன. இதற்கு மேல் மலேசியாவில் உள்ள அந்த பார்வதி அம்மாளின் முடிவுக்கிணங்க தொடர்ந்து நடவடிக்கை மேற்கொள்ளப்படும் என்பதை இந்த அவைக்கும் நாட்டிற்கும் நான் தெரிவித்துக் கொள்கிறேன் என்று கருணாநிதி கூறினார்.
Saturday, May 8, 2010
Aavin ‘restricts’ supply of information too
By G Saravanan
Published in The New Indian Express, on May 8, 2010:
CHENNAI: Information seekers in the State are up in arms against the Tamil Nadu Cooperative Milk Producers Federation Limited’s (Aavin) usage of term ‘For Right to Information Act purpose only’ on every page of details supplied by them.
R Natarajan, a city-based RTI activist, had sought information from Aavin on customer data and milk distribution in the city.
When he received the set of information recently, he was perplexed to see stamping on every page saying as ‘For Right to Information Act purpose only.’
Irked over the illogical usage by Aavin, Natarajan said, “Is the information sent by them is secretive or the department orders the applicant that the information should not be used for any other purpose such as moving a petition.”
It is ridiculous on the part of the Aavin to stamp like this and it should be stopped forth with, Natarajan lamented.Besides, he also claimed that the details supplied by Aavin were mostly dilly dallying.
Natarajan said, “I asked details on milk supply in the city, but Aavin replied that there was no short supply but failed to disclose the demand and supply details. And everybody in the city knew that the supply was not enough.”
Published in The New Indian Express, on May 8, 2010:
CHENNAI: Information seekers in the State are up in arms against the Tamil Nadu Cooperative Milk Producers Federation Limited’s (Aavin) usage of term ‘For Right to Information Act purpose only’ on every page of details supplied by them.
R Natarajan, a city-based RTI activist, had sought information from Aavin on customer data and milk distribution in the city.
When he received the set of information recently, he was perplexed to see stamping on every page saying as ‘For Right to Information Act purpose only.’
Irked over the illogical usage by Aavin, Natarajan said, “Is the information sent by them is secretive or the department orders the applicant that the information should not be used for any other purpose such as moving a petition.”
It is ridiculous on the part of the Aavin to stamp like this and it should be stopped forth with, Natarajan lamented.Besides, he also claimed that the details supplied by Aavin were mostly dilly dallying.
Natarajan said, “I asked details on milk supply in the city, but Aavin replied that there was no short supply but failed to disclose the demand and supply details. And everybody in the city knew that the supply was not enough.”
Oil time-bomb ticking over North Chennai
By G Saravanan
Published in The New Indian Express, Chennai, on May 7, 2010:
CHENNAI: North Madras is perhaps sitting on a time bomb that is ticking away. Don’t dismiss this as routine media hyperbole.
For, North Madras has a crude oil pipeline connecting Chennai Port to Chennai Petroleum Corporation Limited’s (CPCL) refinery in Manali, which passed its use-by date almost a year ago. In fact, a high-ranking official openly admitted about a year ago that the pipeline “has outlived its life”. Yet, precious little is being done to replace it.
The 7 km pipeline was installed in 1969 when the annual production capacity of the Manali refinery was three million MT and the neighbourhood was not very crowded.
Within the last 40 years, the refinery output more than trebled at around 10 million MT per annum, requiring more crude oil to be pumped through the pipeline. The neighbourhood too is now densely populated.
The pipeline cuts through thickly populated areas, such as Kasimedu, Royapuram, Toll Gate and Port Trust residential colony. Alongside the pipeline, there are several educational institutions and factories that could take the hit if, God forbid, the 40-year old pipeline gets ruptured.
A typical petroleum-carrying pipeline has a safe life of around 30 years and requires extra monitoring beyond that. A study conducted by Engineers India Limited in 1996 had recommended scrapping the pipeline by 2006.
Significantly, a pipe carrying refined petro products to Korukkupet IOC terminal recently developed cracks due to increased pressure near Tondiarpet. Swift action by authorities averted a major disaster.
Fearing a disaster, an alternate pipeline option connecting the port with the refinery was proposed by CPCL years ago. However, there were concerns and opposition against the proposal as the pipeline would cut through densely populated areas of North Chennai.
Moreover, the alternative pipeline has not been issued environmental clearance by the Environment Ministry yet.
Published in The New Indian Express, Chennai, on May 7, 2010:
CHENNAI: North Madras is perhaps sitting on a time bomb that is ticking away. Don’t dismiss this as routine media hyperbole.
For, North Madras has a crude oil pipeline connecting Chennai Port to Chennai Petroleum Corporation Limited’s (CPCL) refinery in Manali, which passed its use-by date almost a year ago. In fact, a high-ranking official openly admitted about a year ago that the pipeline “has outlived its life”. Yet, precious little is being done to replace it.
The 7 km pipeline was installed in 1969 when the annual production capacity of the Manali refinery was three million MT and the neighbourhood was not very crowded.
Within the last 40 years, the refinery output more than trebled at around 10 million MT per annum, requiring more crude oil to be pumped through the pipeline. The neighbourhood too is now densely populated.
The pipeline cuts through thickly populated areas, such as Kasimedu, Royapuram, Toll Gate and Port Trust residential colony. Alongside the pipeline, there are several educational institutions and factories that could take the hit if, God forbid, the 40-year old pipeline gets ruptured.
A typical petroleum-carrying pipeline has a safe life of around 30 years and requires extra monitoring beyond that. A study conducted by Engineers India Limited in 1996 had recommended scrapping the pipeline by 2006.
Significantly, a pipe carrying refined petro products to Korukkupet IOC terminal recently developed cracks due to increased pressure near Tondiarpet. Swift action by authorities averted a major disaster.
Fearing a disaster, an alternate pipeline option connecting the port with the refinery was proposed by CPCL years ago. However, there were concerns and opposition against the proposal as the pipeline would cut through densely populated areas of North Chennai.
Moreover, the alternative pipeline has not been issued environmental clearance by the Environment Ministry yet.
Thursday, May 6, 2010
Beggars make $1,500 a month
Beggars in the Iranian capital earn the equivalent of 1,500 dollars a month -- five times the official minimum wage -- the Mehr news agency reported on Tuesday.
"Tehran beggars make at least 500,000 rials (50 dollars) a day or 15 million rials a month," the agency quoted Sadegh Avvali, the official in charge of social services at Tehran municipality, as saying.
He said that most beggars roaming the streets asking for change in the sprawling capital come from villages and remote towns or are foreigners, and that authorities round up about 300 vagrants and beggars daily.
Under a municipality initiative, panhandlers and vagrants would be picked off the streets and sent to shelters at night, Mehr quoted him as saying.
Beggars, including women and children, routinely roam the Iranian capital and other large cities, especially the religious hubs such as the northeastern city of Mashhad.
Homeless children and adults also often sell flowers and chewing gum at busy intersections.
The Iranian minimum wage equals about 300 dollars a month, and many Iranians believe that giving alms is a charitable act that also prevents mishaps.
"Tehran beggars make at least 500,000 rials (50 dollars) a day or 15 million rials a month," the agency quoted Sadegh Avvali, the official in charge of social services at Tehran municipality, as saying.
He said that most beggars roaming the streets asking for change in the sprawling capital come from villages and remote towns or are foreigners, and that authorities round up about 300 vagrants and beggars daily.
Under a municipality initiative, panhandlers and vagrants would be picked off the streets and sent to shelters at night, Mehr quoted him as saying.
Beggars, including women and children, routinely roam the Iranian capital and other large cities, especially the religious hubs such as the northeastern city of Mashhad.
Homeless children and adults also often sell flowers and chewing gum at busy intersections.
The Iranian minimum wage equals about 300 dollars a month, and many Iranians believe that giving alms is a charitable act that also prevents mishaps.
Tuesday, May 4, 2010
CHENNAI: Banks sitting on funds for fisherfolk
Picture courtesy: http://www.smh.com.au/
By G Saravanan
Published in The New Indian Express, Chennai, on May 4, 2010:
CHENNAI: The 2004 tsunami besides killing and rendering millions homeless also wrecked the livelihood of countless fishermen.
In fact, about 140 owners, who had lost their mechanised boats to the tsunami, have appealed to Chief Minister M Karunanidhi to help them get their legitimate compensation - money that has been lying idle in different banks for more than two years now.
The list of 140 people constitutes owners of mechanised boats, enumerated in the second list of tsunami-affected fishermen.
In the first list, catalogued immediately after the tsunami in 2004, about 2,715 fishermen and boat owners were listed as beneficiaries and all of them had received compensation almost instantly.
Speaking to Express, K Bharathi, president of the South Indian Fishermen Welfare Association (SIFWA), said, “After repeated requests from various fishermen associations with regard to missing beneficiaries, the State government had prepared a second list of owners who had lost their boats either partially or fully in the tsunami and these 140 mechanised boat owners formed part of that list.”
Though the verification drive to ascertain the truth regarding their damage claim was over and cheques to disburse Rs 5 lakh as tsunami subsidy (along with a bank loan grant of Rs 15 lakh per owner) was distributed way back in 2008, all of them were left still holding the cheques as banks refused to accept their claims citing technical reasons, Bharathi said.
Improper repayment
“When we enquired with the banks, they said that most of the fishermen whose names were found in the first list and who had received their subsidy amounts and bank loans had not yet repaid their dues on time and hence it had forced them to hold back the distribution of loans”, he added.
The appeal to the Chief Minister was meant to draw his attention to the sorry plight of these 140 mechanised boat owners, who had now been forced to work as labourers in different fishing trawlers, to eke out a living.
In fact, about 140 owners, who had lost their mechanised boats to the tsunami, have appealed to Chief Minister M Karunanidhi to help them get their legitimate compensation - money that has been lying idle in different banks for more than two years now.
The list of 140 people constitutes owners of mechanised boats, enumerated in the second list of tsunami-affected fishermen.
In the first list, catalogued immediately after the tsunami in 2004, about 2,715 fishermen and boat owners were listed as beneficiaries and all of them had received compensation almost instantly.
Speaking to Express, K Bharathi, president of the South Indian Fishermen Welfare Association (SIFWA), said, “After repeated requests from various fishermen associations with regard to missing beneficiaries, the State government had prepared a second list of owners who had lost their boats either partially or fully in the tsunami and these 140 mechanised boat owners formed part of that list.”
Though the verification drive to ascertain the truth regarding their damage claim was over and cheques to disburse Rs 5 lakh as tsunami subsidy (along with a bank loan grant of Rs 15 lakh per owner) was distributed way back in 2008, all of them were left still holding the cheques as banks refused to accept their claims citing technical reasons, Bharathi said.
Improper repayment
“When we enquired with the banks, they said that most of the fishermen whose names were found in the first list and who had received their subsidy amounts and bank loans had not yet repaid their dues on time and hence it had forced them to hold back the distribution of loans”, he added.
The appeal to the Chief Minister was meant to draw his attention to the sorry plight of these 140 mechanised boat owners, who had now been forced to work as labourers in different fishing trawlers, to eke out a living.
Monday, May 3, 2010
TN requests Centre to allow Prabakaran’s mother for treatment
Source: http://beta.thehindu.com/news/national/article420317.ece
Press Trust of India (PTI)
The Tamil Nadu government has written to the Centre recommending that Parvathi, mother LTTE leader V. Prabakaran, be allowed to enter the State for medical treatment.
Deputy Chief Minister M.K. Stalin informed the Assembly that "(the government had) written to the Union Home Secretary to consider allowing Parvathi Ammal for treatment in the State provided certain conditions are met”.
“We received an e-mail from Parvathi Ammal requesting us to allow her to come to Tiruchirappalli for treatment,” Mr. Stalin said. However, he did not specify what the conditions were.
He recalled Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi’s assurance in the Assembly last month that the State government would write to the Centre on allowing her to undergo treatment in Tamil Nadu, if she insists on it.
Immigration officials had last month deported Ms. Parvathi to Malaysia when she came to Chennai for treatment. When political parties raised the issue in the Assembly, Mr. Karunanidhi had said he was not aware of her visit.
The Madras High Court had on April 30 given two weeks time to Ms. Parvathi to represent to the State government if she wanted to undergo medical treatment here.
Press Trust of India (PTI)
The Tamil Nadu government has written to the Centre recommending that Parvathi, mother LTTE leader V. Prabakaran, be allowed to enter the State for medical treatment.
Deputy Chief Minister M.K. Stalin informed the Assembly that "(the government had) written to the Union Home Secretary to consider allowing Parvathi Ammal for treatment in the State provided certain conditions are met”.
“We received an e-mail from Parvathi Ammal requesting us to allow her to come to Tiruchirappalli for treatment,” Mr. Stalin said. However, he did not specify what the conditions were.
He recalled Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi’s assurance in the Assembly last month that the State government would write to the Centre on allowing her to undergo treatment in Tamil Nadu, if she insists on it.
Immigration officials had last month deported Ms. Parvathi to Malaysia when she came to Chennai for treatment. When political parties raised the issue in the Assembly, Mr. Karunanidhi had said he was not aware of her visit.
The Madras High Court had on April 30 given two weeks time to Ms. Parvathi to represent to the State government if she wanted to undergo medical treatment here.
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