Friday, September 7, 2012

Counter-piracy Big Three meet on board ship at sea


Published in the Sagar Sandesh dated Sept 5, 2012:

The Force Commanders from the EU Naval Force Somalia – Operation Atalanta (EU NAVFOR), NATO Operation Ocean Shield (TF-508) and Combined Task Force 151 (operated by the Combined Maritime Forces – CMF) met on board the EU NAVFOR flagship ITS San Guisto (Italian Navy) to further enhance the cooperation and coordination in the fight against piracy.
According to a media release, the flagships, ITS San Giusto (EU NAVFOR), HNLMS Rotterdam (NATO) and the ROKS Wang Geon (CTF-151) rendezvoused in the Gulf of Aden to allow the three Force Commanders to meet face-to-face.
Dutch NATO Commander Commodore Ben Bekkering and CTF-151 Commander Rear Admiral Anho Chung from the Republic of Korea were welcomed by Italian EU NAVFOR Force Commander Rear Admiral Enrico Credendino aboard the San Giusto.
The three counter-piracy forces coordinate their actions on a daily basis to enhance their capability and effectiveness in deterring, disrupting and counteracting piracy off the Somali coast and in the Gulf of Aden. 
Although modern means of communications allow reliable long distance exchanges of information and a continuous flow of communications, face-to face meetings are still very important. 
This was the second time that the three main counter-piracy forces have met at sea; the first time having occurred on July 23 onboard HNMLS Evertsen (former flagship of Ocean Shield-NATO Commander). The three Force Commanders discussed the strategic and tactical situation of piracy since the beginning of 2012 and agreed that, whilst the recent downturn in piracy off Africa is welcomed, that military forces need to remain vigilant to further attacks by pirates on ships transiting the area.

Thursday, September 6, 2012

Indian prime minister’s office responds to Washington Post’s profile on Manmohan Singh & response from the journalist who did the story


The office of India’s prime minister objected to The Washington Post’s front-page article, published Sept. 5, 2012, on Manmohan Singh’s evolution as a leader.
The following is a letter from the Prime Minister’s office:
Dear Simon,
We do not complain about criticism of the government which is a journalist’s right. But I am writing this letter for pointing out unethical and unprofessional conduct at your part.
I would like to put on record my complaint about your article which was published today on many counts:
Despite all lines of conversations open, you never got in touch with us for our side of the story though you regularly talk to me about information from the PMO. This story thus becomes totally one sided.
— You have been telling the media here in India that your request for an interview was declined though the mail below says clearly that the interview was declined “till the Monsoon Session” of the Parliament which gets over in two days.
— When I rang you up to point this out, you said sorry twice though you tell the media here that you never apologised.
— Your website where we could have posted a reply is still not working, 11 hours after you said sorry the third time for its inaccessibility.
— The former Media Adviser to the PM Dr Sanjaya Baru has complained that you “rehashed and used” an 8 month old quote from an Indian Magazine.
We expected better from the correspondent of the Washington Post for fair and unbiased reporting.
Without going into your one sided assessment of the Prime Minister’s performance, as comment is free in journalism, I hope you will carry this communication in full in your paper and your website so your readers can judge for themselves what is the truth.
Sincerely
Pankaj Pachauri
Communications Adviser to the Prime Minister’s Office
New Delhi - India
Below is a response to the letter from Simon Denyer, author of the article and our India bureau chief:
Thanks for your comments. I wanted to respond point-by-point:
— I requested an interview with the PM on three occasions, and also with T.K.A Nair, Advisor to the Prime Minister, and with Pulok Chatterji, Principal Secretary in the Prime Minister’s Office. Those requests were either ignored or declined.
— When I made my final request for an interview with the PM in July, I was told on July 30 “The PM has declined all interview requests till the Monsoon session is over.” At that stage the current session of parliament (known as the Monsoon session) of parliament had not even begun. There was no mention of the possibility of an interview afterwards. In any case my story touches on the fact that parliament has been adjourned every day throughout the current session by opposition calls for the PM to resign, which is a story I felt should be told, interview or not.
Indeed, we remain extremely interested in speaking to the prime minister.
— My apology was for the fact that the website was down and the PM’s office could not post a reply directly. As soon as the problem was fixed, I informed them. I stand by the story.
I spoke to Dr Baru personally on the telephone during the reporting for the story. He confirmed that these sentiments were accurate.
Regards,
Simon Denyer

Wednesday, September 5, 2012

When sources are impossible to check... Syria’s propaganda war


Both sides in the Syrian conflict — and all the Middle Eastern powers — are manipulating events and rumours for their own purposes. Media access to hard facts is limited where it exists at all, and anyway most media want a simple, sympathetic narrative, and want it now
by Antonin Amado and Marc de Miramon


Le Figaro reported last month that Syria’s chemical weapons were “under surveillance” and that “US special forces have been deployed to prevent their use.” A diplomat in Jordan warned that “it’s the threat of chemical weapons that may trigger a targeted American intervention.” Give or take a few details, it’s the same script as in Baghdad 10 years ago: is Bashar al-Assad about to unleash weapons of mass destruction on his opponents? The claim has been around for some time: Bernard-Henri Lévy’s website (1) reported last September that “Assad’s killers have launched aerial operations using poison gas in the Al-Rastan area, not far from the rebel city of Homs.”
AFP (Agence France Presse) cautiously reported on 27 July that it “has heard this claim from dozens of people in the province of Hama. But in spite of weeks of research, no rebel or tribal leader, doctor, combatant or civilian has been able to produce irrefutable proof.” It concluded: “The war in Syria is also a war of information and disinformation.”
The war of words began on 29 January on a Twitter account (@DamascusTweets) belonging to “militants with close links to the opposition” (2), which claimed that Assad had fled the country. The Free Syrian Army (FSA) allegedly had the president’s palace surrounded and the cornered dictator had tried to get to the international airport and fly to Moscow with his wife and children. Though unverifiable, the rumour was “not without foundation”, claimed the Nouvel Observateur’s website: “According to Jeremy Bowen, the BBC’s Middle East correspondent, the FSA is just 30 minutes away from Assad’s presidential palace. It’s a military situation that could push the dictator to flee” (3).
On 18 July, during a new rebel offensive which brought fiercer fighting than Damascus had yet seen, a bomb went off at the headquarters of the Syrian National Security Council, killing the defence minister and Assad’s brother-in-law Assef Shawkat. On French news channels, opposition figures, most of them from the Syrian National Council (SNC), commented on events as they unfolded: the regime’s days were numbered; it might even collapse in a matter of hours. “We can say that it’s the beginning of the end,” said Randa Kassis (4), president of the Coalition of Secular and Democratic Syrians, which is part of the SNC. Anonymous sources quoted in The Guardian alleged that Assad himself had been injured in the attack. His wife was again reported to have flown to Moscow. The FSA and a small Islamist group both claimed responsibility for the attack, while the regime detected the hand of “foreign powers” (Turkey, Qatar or Saudi Arabia) supporting the opposition army.
Then AFP reported (shortly before 9am on 20 July) that Assad, unharmed after all, had agreed to leave two days later, “but in a civilised fashion”. Confirmed half an hour later by Reuters, the news had picked up on an interview given by Russia’s ambassador in Paris to Radio France Internationale (RFI). But he hadn’t announced Assad’s departure at all, merely issued a reminder that Syria had undertaken to move towards a “more democratic regime” in Geneva on 30 June.

Media war unreported

Syrians have been fighting for democracy since March 2011 in a popular uprising that has been brutally repressed and widely documented (5). But a media war is also being waged, and that has largely gone unreported by western news organisations. It’s true that it’s very hard to tell truth from fiction on the ground. The regime is sparing with the visas it grants. Nearly all the journalists who succeed in joining the rebels (at the risk of their lives) follow the FSA line. Their reports follow the narrative developed by the FSA and its Turkish, Saudi and Qatari affiliates: a barbaric regime is bloodily crushing peaceful demonstrations that are defended by pro-democracy militants who have plenty of courage but little by way of weapons, ammunition or medical supplies.
Unsurprisingly, the few journalists who have accepted the invitation of the Assad regime tell a radically different story: of hideously mutilated soldiers’ bodies piled in hospital morgues, of members of Alawite and Christian minorities terrorised by armed gangs engaged not in a war of liberation but a religious war, with the backing of the Gulf’s oil-producing monarchies.
To the embarrassment of the opposition army, the presence in Syria of jihadist groups, some claiming links to Al-Qaida, is an established fact. Another reason,Libération insisted on 6 August, to help the insurgents “politically and militarily, even if only to avoid leaving the field and the final victory to the Islamists.”
Separating the revolutionary wheat from jihadist chaff often turns out to be difficult. Abu Hajjar, “one of the mujahideen, who left the Paris area four months ago to take part in the uprising against the Assad regime”, defines himself as an “Islamist militant, not a jihadist linked to Al-Qaida”. Profiled in Le Figaro, he insisted that the Alawite and Christian minorities, most of whom support the Assad regime, would be represented in a future Syrian parliament (6). He also said he had opened a “centre for preaching” in the village of Sarjeh to distribute “banned books” by Ibn Taymiyya, a “great theoretician of jihad”, Le Figaro added, failing to mention that he had also issued a fatwa calling for a holy war against the Alawites.
But such testimony doesn’t alter the larger narrative of the Syrian drama, which is dominated by a handful of protagonists and events: the siege of Homs, the massacre at Houla, the death of the journalists Marie Colvin, Rémi Ochlik, and Gilles Jacquier (who it now seems was probably killed by fire from rebel positions). The reporting of the conflict is dominated by a few players including the main Middle Eastern satellite news channels, especially Al-Arabiya and Al-Jazeera, owned by Saudi Arabia and Qatar, the two heavyweights in the Arab League, the new mouthpiece for Gulf diplomacy. These absolute monarchies, which promote “freedom” among their neighbours without having any democratic legitimacy of their own, are conducting a regional cold war in Syria, the last Arab regime that, in their view, is a participant in the “Shia arc”, which extends from Beirut to Baghdad, bringing instability to Bahrain.

Unreliable information

These news channels benefit from the public’s predisposition to believe the information they broadcast, however unreliable. Columnist Caroline Fourest wrote in Le Monde on 25 February: “According to Al-Arabiya, opponents of the Iranian regime say their government has given a crematorium oven to its Syrian ally. Installed in Aleppo’s industrial zone, it will be working at full capacity... perhaps to burn the bodies of its opponents.”
Otherwise, the media rely on the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR), which through AFP, AP and Reuters, disseminates death tolls from military engagements and reports from the armed opposition. Its founder, Rami Abdel Rahman, went to live in the UK in 2000, where he runs a clothing shop. From his flat in Coventry, he said: “I am the only member of my organisation based in the UK. But I have 200 volunteer correspondents in Syria, Egypt, Turkey and Lebanon. They are soldiers, doctors and opposition militants.” He claims complete neutrality: “I’m not financed by anyone. I set up the SOHR in 2006 because I wanted to do something for my country.” But with only a secretary to assist him, there must be a question mark over his ability to obtain and verify the numbers of dead and injured in military confrontations all over Syria almost as they happen.
Nonetheless, AFP has accorded the SOHR the status of a key source. Ezzedine Said explained: “We first used the SOHR back in November 2006. The organisation has shown itself to be trustworthy and credible in the past, which is why we continue to use it.” The agency’s chief editor in Nicosia, from where its reports on the Middle East are coordinated, acknowledged that “our journalists have almost no contact with the organisation’s correspondents on the ground. Those working in Damascus cannot operate freely. They are not in a position to give an overview of the situation around the country. The SOHR, though it never takes a political position in its communiqués, is not a perfect source. But it is the source that gives the least unreliable figures on the number of dead on the ground.” Some people at APF are uncomfortable with this: “We know very well that the SOHR is not reliable,” one leading reporter said. “Even so, we continue to use their figures. When you ask management, the answer is always the same: ‘You’re probably right, but the other agencies use them and we’re in a highly competitive business’.”
The way in which the SOHR covered the Houla massacre, for example, raises questions about its claimed impartiality and the reliability of its sources. This much is clear: on 25 May, 108 people were massacred in Houla. The bodies of 49 children and 34 women were found in this area to the north of Homs. In a communiqué dated 26 May and relayed by AFP, the SOHR initially reported that 90 people had been killed in bombardments. UN and Arab League accredited observers claimed three days later that most of the victims had been killed with bladed weapons. The UN revealed the same day that the area where the massacre took place was held by the rebels.
A UN Human Rights Council report published on 16 August said that most of the victims had been killed by government forces, even though its investigators had not visited Houla and so were unable to verify the identity of those responsible. But this didn’t prevent the SOHR’s initial report being widely disseminated and used in French diplomatic efforts to make Russia yield to the UN Security Council: “The Houla massacre may change minds,” the French foreign minister Laurent Fabius told Le Monde on 29 May.
Donatella Rovera of Amnesty International secretly entered Syria in April and spent three weeks trying to assess the human cost of the conflict. She underlined the difficulty of the task: “Hospitals aren’t a reliable source, because the injured can’t go there without being arrested by the security forces. I was in Aleppo during a huge army operation. I saw small ad hoc medical units set up in apartments where under-equipped doctors were trying to tend the injured. Under such conditions, the tallies are simpler to take. When you arrive after the event, you have to take statements from survivors and neighbours and collect evidence on the ground such as shell casings and bullet holes in walls.” She said it is “possible to work from outside the country, but that adds to the difficulties. Especially over the reliability of sources you don’t know, who may be tempted to try to manipulate us.” At the end of July, Amnesty reported that 12,000 people had been killed, compared to the SOHR’s 19,000. The rigorous methods that Amnesty claims contrast with the figures provided by Abdel Rahman. But that rigour is incompatible with the demand for instant reporting that now rules the media world, especially online.

India’s ‘silent’ prime minister becomes a tragic figure



"From the start, it was clear that Sonia Gandhi held the real reins of power. The Gandhi family has ruled India for most of its post-independence history and enjoys an almost cultlike status within the Congress party.
Sonia’s word was destined to remain law."
-Washington Post




Punit Paranjpe/AFP/Getty Images - Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s second term in office has been damaged by corruption scandals and policy paralysis.

By 


NEW DELHI — India’s Prime Minister Manmohan Singh helped set his country on the path to modernity, prosperity and power, but critics say the shy, soft-spoken 79-year-old is in danger of going down in history as a failure.

The architect of India’s economic reforms, Singh was a major force behind his country’s
rapprochement with the United States and is a respected figure on the world stage.
President Obama’s aides used to boast of his tremendous rapport and friendship with
Singh.
But the image of the scrupulously honorable, humble and intellectual technocrat has
slowly given way to a completely different one: a dithering, ineffectual bureaucrat
presiding over a deeply corrupt government.

Every day for the past two weeks, India’s Parliament has been adjourned as the
opposition bays for Singh’s resignation over allegations of waste and corruption in the
allocation of coal-mining concessions.

The story of Singh’s dramatic fall from grace in his second term in office and the slow
but steady tarnishing of his reputation has played out in parallel with his country’s
decline on his watch. As India’s economy has slowed and as its reputation for rampant
corruption has reasserted itself, the idea that the country was on an inexorable road to
becoming a global power has increasingly come into question.

“More and more, he has become a tragic figure in our history,” said political historian
Ramachandra Guha, describing a man fatally handicapped by his “timidity, complacency and
intellectual dishonesty.”

The irony is that Singh’s greatest selling points — his incorruptibility and economic
experience — are the mirror image of his government’s greatest failings.

Under Singh, economic reforms have stalled, growth has slowed sharply and the rupee has
collapsed. But just as damaging to his reputation is the accusation that he looked the
other way and remained silent as his cabinet colleagues filled their own pockets.

In the process, he transformed himself from an object of respect to one of ridicule and
endured the worst period in his life, said Sanjaya Baru, Singh’s media adviser during
his first term.

Attendees at meetings and conferences were jokingly urged to put their phones into
“Manmohan Singh mode,” while one joke cited a dentist urging the seated prime minister, “At least in my clinic, please open your mouth.”

Singh finally did open his mouth last week, to rebut criticism from the government auditor that the national treasury had been cheated of billions of dollars after coal-mining concessions were granted to private companies for a pittance — including during a five-year period when Singh doubled as coal minister.

Singh denied that there was “any impropriety,” but he was drowned out by catcalls when
he attempted to address Parliament on the issue. His brief statement to the media
afterward appeared to do little to change the impression of a man whose aloofness from
the rough-and-tumble of Indian politics has been transformed from an asset into a
liability.

It has been my general practice not to respond to motivated criticism directed
personally at me,” he said. “My general attitude has been, ‘My silence is better than a
thousand answers; it keeps intact the honor of innumerable questions.
Singh probably will survive calls for his resignation, but the scandal represents a new
low in a reputation that has been sinking for more than a year.

‘I have to do my duty’

Singh was born in 1932 into a small-time trader’s family in a village in what is now
Pakistan, walking miles to school every day and studying by the light of a kerosene
lamp. The family moved to India shortly before partition of the subcontinent in 1947,
and Singh pleaded with his father to be allowed to continue with his studies rather than
join the dry-fruit trade.

A series of scholarships allowed Singh to continue those studies first at Cambridge and
then at Oxford, where he completed a PhD. Marriage was arranged with Gursharan Kaur in
1958; they have three daughters.

A successful career in the bureaucracy followed, but it was in 1991 that Singh was
thrust into the spotlight as finance minister amid a financial crisis.

With little choice, Singh introduced a series of policies that freed the Indian economy
from suffocating state control and unleashed the dynamism of its private sector.

More than a decade later, in 2004, Singh again found himself on center stage, becoming
in his own words an “accidental prime minister.”

The Congress party led by Italian-born Sonia Gandhi had surprised many people by winning
national elections that year, but she sprang an even bigger surprise by renouncing the
top job and handing it to Singh.

In him she saw not only the perfect figure­head for her government but also a man of
unquestioning loyalty, party insiders say, someone she could both trust and control.

“I’m a small person put in this big chair,” Singh told broadcaster Charlie Rose in 2006.
“I have to do my duty, whatever task is allotted of me.”

From the start, it was clear that Sonia Gandhi held the real reins of power. The Gandhi family has ruled India for most of its post-independence history and enjoys an almost cultlike status within the Congress party.
Sonia’s word was destined to remain law.

But Singh made his mark during his first term in office, standing up to opposition from
his coalition partners and from within his own party to push through a civil nuclear
cooperation deal with the United States in 2008, a landmark agreement that ended India’s
nuclear isolation after its weapons tests in 1974 and 1998.

It was a moment that almost brought his government down, an issue over which he offered
to resign. While no electricity has yet flowed from that pact, it marked a major step
forward in India’s relations with the United States.

The Congress-led coalition went on to win a second term in 2009, in what many people saw
as a mandate for Singh.

The 2009 election “was a victory for him, but he did not step up to claim it — maybe
because he is too academic, maybe because he is too old,” said Tushar Poddar, managing
director at Goldman Sachs in Mumbai. “That lack of leadership, that lack of boldness,
lack of will — that really shocked us. That really shocked foreign investors.”

‘He suffers from doubts’

In a series of largely off-the-record conversations, friends and colleagues painted a picture of a man who felt undermined by his own party and who sank into depression and self-pity.

His one attempt in 1999 to run for a parliamentary seat from a supposedly safe district
in the capital, New Delhi, had ended in ignominious defeat. His failure to contest a
parliamentary seat in 2009, making him the only Indian prime minister not to have done
so, further undermined both his confidence, his friends and colleagues say, and his
standing in the eyes of the party.

Congress, insiders say, never accepted that the 2009 election was a mandate for Singh
and jealously resented the idea that he could be seen to be anywhere near as important
as a Gandhi. Rahul, Sonia’s son, was being groomed to take over from Singh, and the
prime minister needed to be cut down to size.

He soon was openly criticized by his own party over attempts to continue a peace process
with Pakistan despite the 2008 attack on Mumbai by Pakistani militants.

Singh became even more quiet at his own cabinet meetings, to the point of not speaking
up for the sort of economic changes many thought he ought to be championing.

His gut instincts are very good, but sometimes he suffers from doubts about the
political feasibility, about getting things done,” said Jagdish N. Bhagwati, a Columbia
University professor who has been friends with Singh since their Cambridge days.

Singh will go down in history as India’s first Sikh prime minister and the country’s
third-longest-serving premier, but also as someone who did not know when to retire, Guha said.

“He is obviously tired, listless, without energy,” he said. “At his time of life, it is not as though he is going to get a new burst of energy. Things are horribly out of control and can only get worse for him, for his party and for his government.”


Now, Jaiswal’s relatives in CBI net, Coal Minister directly linked


Shriprakash Jaiswal (extreme left) with Manoj Jayaswal standing next to him. Photo Courtesy: Abhijeet.in
Union coal minister Shriprakash Jaiswal is now being directly linked to the internal operations of the Jayaswal family, one of whom, Manoj Jayaswal, owns the Abhijeet Group, the parent company of JAS infrastructure and JLD Yavatmal.
Shriprakash Jaiswal was named as the arbitrator in case of any dispute over the allotment of shares in the family owned AMR Iron & Steels, as per a 2008 agreement between Basant Lal Shaw and his three sons, Manoj Jayaswal, Arvind Jayaswal and Ramesh Jayaswal.
"In case there was any dispute regarding the allotment of shares, it was to be decided by "Shri Prakash Jaiswal of Kanpur" (read coal minister Shriprakash Jaiswal)," the agreement between the Jayaswal brothers and their father reads (copy with us).
Sriprakash Jaiswal and Manoj Jayaswal are related by marriage. Sriprakash Jaiswal's daughter is married into the same family that Manoj Jayaswal is married into. Sriprakash's daughter has married into a Kolkata-based business family headed by Ganesh Prasad. Manoj is married to the daughter of Prasad's brother.
AMR is owned by Manoj Jayaswal and his brother, Arvind Jayaswal.
The above mentioned companies have been named in the FIR filed by the CBI in the Coalgate scam on Tuesday. The Jayaswal business family owns several companies in the area of power, roads, steel, iron ore and mining.
Abhijeet Group has significant presence in core sector areas like Power, Roads, Mining, Ferroalloys, Steel and Cement and is headquartered in Nagpur, Maharashtra.
As per the agreement, it was decided to give at least 26 per cent free equity shares to anyone who was instrumental in getting coal blocks allotted to the family companies.
It was decided that 26 per cent shares in AMR, which got a coal block in Maharashtra in 2009, will be transferred to the Lokmat group (copy of documents with this newspaper). As per the documents, the Lokmat Group played an instrumental role in getting the family its coal blocks. Congress Rajya Sabha MP, Vijay Darda, is the chairman of the Lokmat group. Darda has also been named in the CBI FIR filed on Tuesday. He, however, has denied the charge.
Later, after a business disagreement within the family, Manoj Jayaswal wrote a letter to his father, Basant Lal Shaw, about matters pertaining to the settlement. The letter (copy with us) also mentions the name of "Shri Prakash Jayaswal" and Lokmat Group.
The Manoj Jayaswal letter reads, "As per the understanding, 26 per cent of the shares of AMR are to be allocated free of cost to the Lokmat group. The rights of the balance 14 per cent needs to be decided by Shri Shriprakashji... AMR has been allotted coal blocks because of efforts of Lokmat Group. The commitment should be honoured." Here "Shri Shriprakashji" refers to the minister who has already been named in the agreement once and in other documents available with us pertaining to the deal.
The letter further read, "26 per cent equity be immediately allotted to Lokmat and a nominee of Lokmat should be appointed chairman and the director, or matters relating to the family would be jeopardised. Further, I urge that a suitable time be communicated to Shri Sriprakashji for settlements of ownership of 14 per cent shares of AMR."
Since 2005, various companies related to Manoj Jayaswal have been coal mines in various parts of the country. This includes Abhijeet Infrastructure, which got 3 coal blocks in Jharkhand in 2005, and, JLD Yavatmal, which got one block in 2008 in Chhattisgarh.

Tuesday, September 4, 2012

2 ஆண்டுகளாக மூடிக்கிடக்கும் திருவொற்றியூர் நவீன மயானம்

 -முகவை க.சிவகுமார்-
Published in Dinamani on September 4, 2012:

திருவொற்றியூர், செப். 3: திருவொற்றியூர், நகராட்சியாக இருந்தபோது ரூ. 1.10 கோடி செலவில் அமைக்கப்பட்ட எரிவாயு தகன மேடையுடன்கூடிய நவீன மயானம் திறப்புவிழாக் கண்டு 20 மாதங்களாகியும் செயல்படாமல் மூடிக் கிடக்கிறது.
திருவொற்றியூர் சென்னை மாநகராட்சியோடு இணைக்கப்பட்ட நிலையில் இது குறித்து மாநகராட்சி நிர்வாகம் விரைந்து நடவடிக்கை எடுக்க வேண்டும் என பொதுமக்கள் கோரிக்கை எழுப்பியுள்ளனர்.
பட்டினத்தார் இடுகாடு: எண்ணூர் விரைவு சாலையில் கடற்கரையை ஒட்டிய பகுதியில் திருவொற்றியூர் மயானம் அமைந்துள்ளது. இங்குதான் துறவி பட்டினத்தார் ஜீவ சமாதியடைந்தார் என்ற நம்பிக்கையின் அடிப்படையில் இந்த மயானம், பட்டினத்தார் இடுகாடு என்று அழைக்கப்படுகிறது. போதிய கவனிப்பின்றி புதர் மண்டிக் கிடந்த இம்மயானத்தை நவீனப்படுத்த வேண்டும் என பல்வேறு சமூக நல அமைப்புகள் சார்பில் நீண்ட நாள்களாகக் கோரிக்கை விடுக்கப்பட்டது.
சுமார் 3 லட்சம் மக்கள் வசிக்கும் திருவொற்றியூரின் முக்கிய மயானமாக இது இருந்து வருவதால் தினசரி குறைந்தபட்சம் 2, 3 சடலங்களாவது எரிக்கப்படுவது வழக்கமாக இருக்கிறது. இதன் காரணமாக மயானத்தில் சடலங்கள் எரிக்கப்படும்போது வெளியாகும் புகை, துர்நாற்றத்தால் இப்பகுதி மக்கள் பெரும் அவதியுற்றனர்.
ரூ.1.10 கோடியில் நவீன மயானம்: இதையடுத்து பட்டினத்தார் மயானத்தை எரிவாயு தகன மேடையுடன்கூடிய நவீன மயானமாக மாற்றியமைக்க அப்போதைய நகராட்சி நிர்வாகம் முடிவு செய்தது. மத்திய அரசின் ஜவஹர்லால் நேரு நகர்ப்புற வளர்ச்சித் திட்டம், தமிழக அரசு நிதி, நகராட்சி பொது நிதி என ரூ.1.10 கோடி செலவில் நவீன மயானம் அமைக்கப்பட்டு 2011 பிப்ரவரியில் அப்போதைய மீன்வளத் துறை அமைச்சர் கே.பி.பி.சாமியால் திறந்து வைக்கப்பட்டது.
மேலும், சென்னை எண்ணெய் சுத்திகரிப்பு ஆலை (சி.பி.சி.எல்) சார்பில் ரூ.10 லட்சம் செலவில் அமரர் ஊர்தியும் இலவசமாக வழங்கப்பட்டது. இதனைத் தொடர்ந்து பட்டினத்தார் சமூக சேவை அமைப்பிடம் மயானம் ஒப்படைக்கப்பட்டது.
துருப்பிடித்துப் பாழாகிய அமரர் ஊர்தி: ஆனால், திறப்பு விழா கண்டு ஓரிரு நாள்களிலேயே நவீன மயானம் மூடப்பட்டது. பழைய பகுதியிலேயே விறகு, ராட்டை போன்றவைகளைக் கொண்டு சடலங்கள் எரிக்கப்படும் அவலம் மீண்டும் தொடங்கியது.  இவ்வாறு சடலங்கள் எரியூட்டப்படும்போது பரவும் துர்நாற்றம் மிகுந்த புகையால் இப்பகுதி மக்கள் அவதிக்குள்ளாவது தொடர்கிறது. சி.பி.சி.எல் நிறுவனம் வழங்கிய அமரர் ஊர்தி இயக்கப்படாமல் ஒரே இடத்தில் நிறுத்தி வைக்கப்பட்டதால் கடற்கரை உப்புக் காற்றால் துருப்பிடித்துப் போய்விட்டது. இன்னும் சில மாதங்கள் இப்படியே நின்றால் வாகனம் முற்றிலும் பழுதடையும் நிலை ஏற்பட்டுள்ளது.  
அதிகாரிகள் அலட்சியம்: இது குறித்து நுகர்வோர் விழிப்புணர்வு சங்க அமைப்பாளரும், திருவொற்றியூர் பகுதி சமூக ஆர்வலருமான என்.துரைராஜ் கூறியது:
இந்த நவீன மயானம் அமைக்கக் கோரி ஆண்டுக்கணக்கில் போராடியுள்ளோம். நவீன மயானம் திறந்து வைக்கப்பட்டதன் மூலம் இப்பகுதி மக்களுக்கு விடிவுகாலம் பிறந்து விட்டது என்ற மகிழ்ச்சி கொண்ட நிலையில், திறந்த சில நாள்களிலேயே மயானம் மூடப்பட்டது. முன்பு பணியில் இருந்த மயான ஊழியர்கள் எதிர்ப்பு காரணமாக மயானம் மூடப்பட்டது என அதிகாரிகள் தரப்பில் கூறப்படுகிறது. இந்த விஷயத்தில் அதிகாரிகள் முனைப்பாகச் செயல்படவில்லை. பெரும்பான்மையான மக்கள் தினமும் அவதிக்குள்ளாகின்றனர். ரூ.6 ஆயிரமாக இருந்த எரியூட்டும் செலவு நவீன தகனமேடை அமைக்கப்பட்டதன் மூலம் ரூ.1,500 ஆகக் குறைந்தது. இதில் உள்ள பிரச்னைகள் குறித்து உள்ளாட்சித் துறை அமைச்சர், மாநகர மேயர் சிறப்புக் கவனம் செலுத்த வேண்டும் என்றார் துரைராஜ்.
காரணம் என்ன?
இப்பிரச்னை குறித்து திருவொற்றியூர் மண்டல அலுவலர் பழனி கூறியது:
நான்கு குடும்பங்களைச் சேர்ந்த 11 மாநகராட்சி மயான ஊழியர்களாக பணி நியமனம் செய்யும்படி கோரிக்கை விடுக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. இது குறித்து மாநகராட்சி ஆணையருக்கு குறிப்புகள் அனுப்பியுள்ளோம். மயான ஊழியர்கள் எதிர்ப்பினையடுத்து 20 மாதங்களாக தகனமேடை மூடப்பட்டுள்ளது வருத்தமளிக்கிறது. எனினும் இம்மயானத்தை மீண்டும் திறக்க நடவடிக்கை மேற்கொண்டு வருகிறோம். இன்னும் ஒரு வாரத்தில் அனைத்து தரப்பினருடன் பேச்சுவார்த்தை நடத்தி சுமுகத் தீர்வு காணப்படும் என்றார் பழனி.

Monday, September 3, 2012

Freedom for South Africa's striking miners


Several of the 34 Marikana miners were buried over the weekend in the Eastern Cape and in Lesotho/Photo©Reuters

By Crystal van Wyk
Source:http://www.theafricareport.com/index.php/20120903501818048/southern-africa/freedom-for-south-africa-s-striking-miners-501818048.html

After coming under fire for the arrest of 270 striking miners, charged with murder, South African courts are getting ready to free the workers this week.
A hastily convened press conference in Pretoria on Sunday, saw the prosecuting authority provisionally withdrawing widely criticised murder charges that had been levelled against the striking miners.
In a move that shocked the nation, the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) charged the Lonmin mine workers with murder of 34 of their colleagues. This was despite images that showed the police opening fire on the miners.
NPA's Nomgcobo Jiba said: "the murder charge against the current 270 suspects... will be formally withdrawn provisionally in court on their next court appearance."

"The miners and protestors will be released conditionally depending the finalisation of the investigation," he said. "This would be done in phases, those who have addressed and police have verified this will be released."
Jiba said other workers would remain in custody until their residential addresses could be confirmed.
The workers were arrested for public violence on August 16 after 34 of their colleagues were shot dead by police at Lonmin's Marikana mine. Another 78 were injured.

Last week, prosecutors announced that the miners would face murder and attempted murder charges based on the basis of the common law doctrine of common purpose where "suspects with guns or any weapons and they confront or attack the police and a shooting takes place and there are fatalities."

This doctrine was last used was by apartheid era police and law enforcers.
On Friday, lawyers for the men asked President Jacob Zuma to withdraw the charges. On Sunday, Zuma's office welcomed the NPA's decision.
The ANC and the Justice department also welcomed the decision to provisionally withdraw the charges.
The ruling party spokesperson Jackson Mthembu said the move would allow the Commission of Enquiry established by Zuma to do its work and for police to continue with their investigations.
Jiba said the decision to institute murder charges was based on "sound legal principle" which had been part of the legal system for decades.

Meanwhile, several of the 34 Marikana miners were buried over the weekend in the Eastern Cape and in Lesotho.

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